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THE    HANDBOOK    SERIES 


Short  Ballot 


DEBATERS' 
HANDBOOK  SERIES 

Direct  Primaries    (3d  ed.  rev.  and  enl.) 

Capital  Punishment     (2d  ed.  rev.) 

Commission    Plan    of    Municipal    Govern- 
ment    (3d  ed.  rev.  and  enl.) 

Election  of  United  States  Senators   (2d  ed. 
rev.) 

Income  Tax    (2d  ed.  rev.  and  enl. ) 

Initiative  and  Referendum     (3d    ed.  rev. 
and  enl.) 

Central  Bank  of  the  United  States 

Woman  Suffrage    (2d  ed.  rev.) 

Municipal   Ownership     (2d    ed.    rev.  and 
enl.) 

Child  Labor    (2d  ed.  rev.  and  enl.) 

Open  versus  Closed  Shop     (2d  ed.) 

Employment  of  Women 

Federal  Control  of  Interstate  Corporations 
(2d  ed.  rev.  and  enl.) 

Parcels  Post     (2d  ed.  rev.  and  enl.) 

Compulsory  Arbitration  of    Industrial  Dis- 
putes    (2d  ed.  rev.  and  enl.) 

Compulsory  Insurance 

Conservation  of  Natural  Resources 

Free  Trade  vs.  Protection 

Government  Ownership  of  Railroads    (2d 
ed.  rev.  and  enl.) 

Reciprocity 

Trade  Unions 

Recall     (2d  ed.  rev.  and  enl.) 

World  Peace 

Government  Ownership  of  Telegraph  and 
Telephone 

Single  Tax 

Monroe  Doctrine 

HANDBOOK  SERIES 

European  War 
Agricultural  Credit 
Short  Ballot 


Other  titles  in  preparation 

Each  volume,  one  dollar  net 


(  I 


THE    HANDBOOK    SERIES 


Short    Ballot 


Corn-piled  by 

EDNA   D.    BULLOCK 


THE  H.  W.  WILSON  COMPANY 

WHITE  PLAINS,  N.  Y.,  AND  NEW  YORK  CITY 

1915 


Published,  August,  1915 


EXPLANATORY  NOTE 

This  Handbook  is  designed  to  furnish  general  information 
on  the  various  governmental  activities  as  related  to  the  short 
ballot  idea.  The  subject  is  new,  but  already  has  a  large  litera- 
ture. Much  of  this  literature  pertains  to  the  commission  form 
of  city  government — a  subject  to  which  one  of  the  earlier  vol- 
umes of  the  Handbook  Series  is  devoted.  Consequently  that 
subject  is  omitted  from  this  volume.  Readers  are  advised  to 
refer  also  to  the  handbook  on  the  commission  form  of  city  gov- 
ernment in  order  to  get  a  comprehensive  view  of  the  short 
ballot  movement. 

This  Handbook  concerns  itself  with  the  short  ballot  idea  as 
applied  to  state  and  county  government,  and  also  includes  the 
city   manager   plan   of   municipal   government. 

E.  D.   B. 
April  ig,  1915. 


CONTENTS 


Bibliography 


Bibliographies    ix 

General  References ix 

State   Government xiv 

County   Government xiv 

City   Government xv 


Introduction 


General  Discussion 

Bright  Prospects  in  New  York Equity  3 

Brogan,  Francis  A.     Short  Ballot  and  the  Judiciary 

Nebraska  State  Journal  5 

Childs,  Richard  S.     Politics  without  Politicians 11 

Childs,  Richard  S.     Short  Ballot;  a  Movement  to  Simplify 

Politics  Outlook  21 

^  Childs,  Richard  S.     What  a  Democracy  Would  Be  Like 

Everybody's  30 

Howe,  Frederic  C.     Constitution  and  Public  Opinion 

Academy  of  Political  Science.     Proceedings  34 

Ohio  Defeat Equity  40 

Politics  without  the  Politician World's  Work  41 

Short  Ballot Outlook  42 

Short  Ballot  Again Outlook  45 

Short  Ballot  Movement  in  New  York Equity  48 

Garvin,  F.  C.     Shortest  Ballot Independent  49 

Short  Ballot— What  It  Is— Its  Progress  to  Date 

Equity  Series  54 

State  Government 

Future  State  Government Equity  Series  63 

Kansas.     Governor.     Message  to  the  Legislature 66 

New  Type  of  State  Government Equity  Series  70 

Problem  of  State  Government Equity  Series  75 


CONTENTS 


County  Government 


^_ 


Childs,  Richard  S.  County  Manager  Plan.  Proceedings. 
Fiirst  Conference  for  Better  County  Government  in  N.  Y.     87 

Childs,  Richard  S.  Personal  Suggestion  for  a  Model  County 
Short  Ballot  Bulletin    94 

County  Commission  Government World's  Work    96 

County  Problem Equity  Series    97 

irst  Short  Ballot  County 99 

Gilbertson,  H.  S.  Commission  Government  and  Paid  Man- 
agers for  Counties Survey  103 

Gilbertson,  H.  S.     Discover},-  of  the  County  Problem 

Review  of  Reviews  105 

City  Government 

Buttenheim,  Harold  S.  City  Charters  and  the  Short  Ballot 
American   City  1 1 5 

Childs,  Richard  S.  Short  Ballot  and  the  Commission  Plan 
Annals  of  the  American  Academy  123 

Crosby,  John.  Municipal  Government  Administered  by  a 
General  Manager Annals  of  the  American  Academy  130 

Gill)ertson,  H.  S.  City-Manager  Plan  and  Expert  City  Man- 
agement  Annals  of  the  American  Academy  137 

Gilbertson,  H.  S.     Short  Ballot  in  American  Cities 

Review  of  Reviews  141 

Silvernail,  F.  D.     Lockport  Proposal 

Annak  of  the  American  Academy  148 

Upson,  L.  D.     City-Manager  Charter  of  Dayton 

Annals  of  the  American  Academy  152 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

An  asterisk  (*)  preceding  a  reference  indicates  that  the  entire  article 
or  a  part  of  it  has  been  reprinted  in  this  volume.  Many  of  the  magazine 
articles  and  pamphlets  listed  here,  as  well  as  similar  material  that  may-  be 
published  after  this  volume  is  issued,  may  be  secured  at  reasonable  rates 
from  the  Wilson  Package  Library,  operated  by  The  H.  \V.  Wilson  Company. 

Bibliographies 

Kansas.  University.  Bulletin,  ii,  No.  10:35-6.  Jl.  "10.  List 
of  References   on  the   Short   Ballot. 

Kansas.  University.  Bulletin.  15,  Xo.  18:26-7.  S.  '14.  City 
Manager  Plan  :     Bibliography. 

Kansas.  University.  Bulletin.  15,  Xo.  18:49-52.  S.  "14.  Uni- 
cameral  Legislation :     Bibliography. 

Munro,  W.  B.  Bibliographj-  of  Municipal  Government.  Har- 
vard LTniversity  Press. 

Wright,  J.  Check  List  of  Bibliographies  Relating  to  Municipal 
Government.     Harvard  University  Press.     T914. 

Special  Libraries.  2:58-61.  Je.  '11.  Select  List  of  References 
on  the  Short  Ballot.     H.  k.  B.  :Meyer. 

General  References 

Books  and  Paiuplilets 

American  Yearbook,   1910.     Short  Ballot,     p.  150. 

Beard,    Charles   A.     Ballot's   Burden.     Ginn,   1509. 

Reprinted  from  Political  Science  Quarterly.    24:  589-614.    December,  1909. 

Bradford,  Gamaliel.  Lesson  of  Popular  Government.  2v.  Mac- 
millan.     1899. 

California.  Governor  (Hiram  W.  Johnson).  Inaugural  Ad- 
dress before  the  Joint  Assembly  at  Sacramento,  January  3, 
1911. 

Chicago.  Bureau  of  Public  Efficiency.  X'ineteen  Local  Govern- 
ments in  Chicago.     1913. 

*Childs,    Richard   S.     Politics   without    Politicians ;    an   Explana- 
tion   of    the    Principles    of   the    Short    Ballot.     Short    Ballot 
Organization.     191 1. 
Reprinted  from  the   Saturday  Evening  Post,  January  22,   1910. 


X  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Childs,   Richard   S.     Principle   of  Wieldy   Districts.     Short   Bal- 
lot Organization.     191 1. 

Reprinted  from  Proceedings  of  the  National  Municipal  League,   1910. 
Childs,    Richard   S.     Real   Democracy:  the   Need  of   Simplifying 
the   Instruments  of   Popular   Control  of  Government.     Short 
Ballot   Organization. 

Reprinted  from   Proceedings  of  the  American   Political   Science  Associ- 
ation,  1910. 

Childs,    Richard    S.     Short    Ballot    Principles.     Houghton.     191 1. 

City   Club.     Chicago.     Short  Ballot  in   Illinois. 

Conference    for    Good    City    Government.     Proceedings,     1906: 

349-62.     Australian    Ballot   System  of   Mlassachusetts.     R.   H. 

Dana. 
Conference  for  Good  City  Government.     Proceedings,  1509:464- 

70.     Short  Ballot  Principle. 
Dallinger,  F.  W.     Nominations  for  Elective  Office  in  the  United 

States.     (Harvard     Historical     Studies,     v.     4).     pp.     148-9. 

Longmans.     1897. 
Dole,    Charles    Fletcher.     Spirit    of   Democracy.     Crowell.     1906. 
Hillquit,  Morris.     Attitude  of  Socialists  towards  the  Short  Ballot 

Movement.     National  Office  of  the  Socialist  Party.     191 1. 
International    Yearbook,   1909:221-5.     Electoral    Reform. 
Kales,    A.    M.     L^npopular    Government    in    the    United    States. 

University   of   Chicago   Press.     1914. 
Kaye,   P.   L.     Readings  in  Civil   Government :   the   Short   Ballot. 

pp.  384-91.     Century.     1910. 
Merriam,    C.    E.     Primary    Elections;    On    the    Multiplicity    of 

Elective    Offices,     pp.    289-95.    University    of    Chicago    Press. 

1908. 
Miciiigan.     Governor  (Woodbridgc  N.  Ferris).     Second  Inaugu- 
ral Message,  January  7,   1915. 
National   Short   Ballot  Organization.     Short  Ballot  in  the  State 

of   New   York,   March,   1914. 
National   Short  Ballot  Organization.     Yearbook,    1914. 
New    York    (State).     Governor    (Charles    S.    Whitman).     In:ui- 

gural  Address  and  Message  to  the  Legislature,  January,  1915. 
New   York   Short   Ballot  Organization.     Abolition  of   the  Office 

of  Coroner   in    New   York   City.     March,   1914. 
Nichols,  Edward  Ray,  ed.     Intercollegiate  Debates,  v.  2.     Sliort 

Ballot.     Kansas    University    vs.    Oklahoma    l^niversity,    .April 

12,  191 1.     Hinds  and  Noble. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  xi 

Philadelphia.  City  Club.  Bulletin.  2:140-56.  Ap.  21,  '10.  Form 
of  the  Ballot.     R.  H.  Dana  and  C.  J.  Shearn. 

Rosewater,  Victor.  Need  of  the  Short  Ballot  in  Nebraska. 
(Proceedings  of  a  Short  Ballot  Conference  held  by  the  Ne- 
braska Popular  Government  League,  January  15,  1915.) 
Manuscript. 

St.  Louis,  Missouri.  Civic  League.  Short  Ballot  Committee. 
The  Short  Ballot,  the  Key  to  Popular  Government.  What 
It  Is.     What  It  Will  Do.     How  to  Get  It  in  St.  Louis. 

Shutter,  Edwin  Dubois,  and  Taylor,  Carl  Cleveland.  Both  Sides 
of  100  Public  Questions  Briefly  Debated.  Short  Ballot,  pp. 
132-4.     Hinds  and  Noble,     c.  1913. 

Stickney,  Albert.     True   Republic.     Harper.     1879. 

United  States.  6ist  Congress,  2d  Session.  Senate  Doc.  603. 
Code  of  the  People's  Rule.  Short  Ballot,  pp.  162-5.  Robert 
L.  Owen,  comp. 

Washington  (State).  Governor  (M.  E.  Hay).  Second  Mes- 
sage to  the  Legislature  of  191 1.     Short  Ballot,     pp.  28-9. 

Wilson,  Woodrow.  Address  on  the  Short  Ballot  before  the 
City  Club,  Philadelphia. 

Wilson,  Woodrow.  Civic  Problems.  Address  Delivered  March 
9,  1909,  at  the  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Civic  League  of  St. 
Louis. 

Magazine  Articles 

^Academy   of    Political    Science.     Proceedings.     5 : 7-19.     O.    '14. 

Constitution  and   Public  Opinion.     Frederic   C.   Howe. 
American  City.     2:81-2.   F.  '10.   -Short  Ballot. 
American    City.    2:129-32.     Mr.    '10.     Simplification    of    Politics. 

James  W.  Wadsworth,  jr. 
American    City.      3:235.     N.     '10.     Short     Ballot     Organization. 

Arthur  H.  Grant. 
American     City.     11:11-13.    Jl.     '14    City    Manager    Plan — the 

Application   of  Business  Methods  to   Municipal   Government. 

Henry  M.  Waite. 
American    Political    Science   Association.     Proceedings,    1909.    6 : 

65-71.     Ballot  Reform;   the   Need   of  Simplification.     Richard 

S.  Childs. 
American  Political   Science  Association.      Proceeedings,   1909.  6 

93-9.     Tendencies   Affecting  the   Size  of  the  Ballot.     Charles 

A.  Beard. 


J 


xii  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

American  Political   Science  Association.     Proceedings,   1909.     0: 
72-92.     Proposed  Methods  of  Ballot  Simplification.    Arthur 
C.  Ludington. 
American  Political  Science  Review.     3:252-61.  My.  '09.     Present 
Status  of  Ballot  Laws  in  the  LInited  States.     Arthur  Luding- 
ton. 
American   Political   .Science    Review.     5:79-83.   F.   '11.     Progress 

of   Short   Ballot  Movement.     Arthur   Ludington. 
.A.merican    Political   Science    Review.    6:310-15.    My.   '12.     Short 
Ballot    Principles    by    Richard     S.    Childs,     Review.     Arthur 
Ludington. 
City  Hall.     11:329-30.   Ap.   '10.     Short  Ballot. 

Review  of  an  article  by  Woodrow  Wilson  in   the  North   American   Re- 
view for  May,    1910. 

Equity  Series.  12:7-9.  J^-  lO-  Short  Ballot  and  Its  Relation 
to  Direct  Legislation  and  Proportional  Representation.  C.  G. 
Hoag. 

Equity  Series.  ^2:-/'!.  Ap  '10.  Political  Ambush.  B.  B.  Lind- 
sey. 

Equity  Series.  12:77-9.  .Ap.  "lo.  Short  Ballot  Principle. 
Richard  S.  Childs. 

Equity  Series.  12:123-4.  J'-  'O-  Short  Ballot.  Winston 
Churchill. 

Equity  Series.  12:124-8.  Jl.  '10.  Fake  Democracy.  Richard 
S.  Childs. 

Equity  Series.  12:173-6.  O.  '10.  What  Offices  Should  Remain 
Elective   Under  the  Short  Ballot   Plan?     Richard   S.   Childs. 

Equity  Series.  13:45-8.  History  of  the  Short  Ballot  Move- 
ment to  Date.     Richard   S.  Childs. 

Equity  Series.  13:102-3.  Ap.  '11.  Direct  Legislation  and  the 
Short  Ballot.     H.  E.  Deming. 

Equity  Series.  15:238-9.  O.  '13.  Short  Ballot  Movement  in 
Ohio. 

♦Equity  Series.  15:84-8.  Ja.  '13.  Short  Ballot— What  It  Is— Its 
Progress  to  Date. 

♦Equity.     16:56.  Ja.  '14.     Ohio  Defeat. 

♦Equity.     16:56.     Ja.  '14.     Short  Ballot  Movement  in  New  York. 

♦Ecpiity.  17:76-8.  Ja.  '15.  Bright  Prospects  lor  the  Short  Bal- 
lot in  New  York. 

♦Everybody's.  26:372-3.  Mr.  '12.  What  a  Democracy  Would 
Be  Like.     Kicliard   S.   Childs. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  xiii 

Forum.      31:354-64.     I\Ir.     '14      Making    Government     Efficient. 

T.   E.   Danner. 
Independent.    67 :  1389-90.     D.  16,  '09.     Short  Ballot. 
^Independent.     69:1152-5;  1316.  N.  4,  D.  15,  '10.  Shortest  Ballot. 

Lucius  F.  C.  Garvin.     RepK'.     Short  Enough  Ballot.     Richard 

S.  Child's. 
Michigan   Law  Review.    6 :  228-37.  Ja.    08.     Are  too  Many  Ex- 
ecutive  Officers   Elective?     B.    M.  Thompson. 
*Xebraska    State    Journal.     F.    21,    '15.     Short    Ballot    and    the 

Judiciary.     Francis  A.   Brogan. 
North   American    Review.      113:321-43.    O.    "71.     Misgovernment 

of   New   York — a   Remedy    Suggested.     Charles    Nordhoff. 
North  American  Review.     191:585-601.  My.  '10.     Hide-and-seek 

Politics.     Woodrow  Wilson. 

Reviewed  in  City  Hall.     11:329-30.     April,    1910. 
North    American    Review.      191:602-11.    My.    '10.     Multifarious 

Australian  Ballot.     P.  L.  Allen. 

Reprinted    in    Paul    S.    Reinsch's    "Readings    on    American    State    Gov- 
ernment." 

=^Outlook.     92:635-9.  Jl.   17,  '09.     Short  Ballot:   a  Movement  to 
Simplify  Politics.     Richard  S.   Childs. 
Reprinted  in  part  by  the  National  Short  Ballot  Organization. 

*Outlook.    92:780-1,  829-31,  971-2,  JI.  31,  Ag.  7,  28.  '09.     Short 

Ballot   Principle. 
Outlook.     93  :896-7.   D.  25,  '09.     Desirability  of  the   Short  Ballot. 

H.  E.  Deming. 
*Outlook.    92:971-2.  Ag.  28,  "09.     Short  Ballot. 
Outlook.     93 :  906.    D.   25,    '09.     Ineffective  Voter   and   the    Short 

Ballot.     H.  J.   Haskell. 
Outlook.     99:362-3.    O.   14,  '11.     Sham   Democracy. 

A  review   of   "Short  Ballot  Principles,"  by   Richard   S.   Childs. 
Outlook.      IQ3 :  332-:^.   F.    15,   '13.     Progress  of  the    Short   Ballot. 
Political   Science   Quarterly.      15 :  260-72.  Je.   "oo.     Complexity  of 

American   Governmental   Methods.       C.    R.   Woodruff. 
Political    Science    Quarterly.      21  :  38-58.    Mr.    "06.      Ballot    Laws 

and  Their  Working.     P.   L.  Allen. 
Political  Science  Quarterly.  24:589-614.  D.  "09.     Ballot's  Burden. 

Charles  A.  Beard. 

Reprinted  in  part  in  his  "American  Government  and  Politics,"  pp.  469-87. 

Short   Ballot    Bulletin,   v.    i-date.    Feb,    1911-date.     Short    Ballot 
Organization. 


xiv  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Survey.     24:716-17.    .Ag    20,    "lo.     Short    Ballot    Cure    for   Mis- 
government. 
♦World's    Work.       19:12760-1.    Ap.     '10.     Politics     without    the 


Politician. 


State  Government 


*Equity   Series.      15 :  100-2.  Ap.    '13.     Future    State   Government. 

*Equity  Series.  15:156-61.  Jl.  '13.  Problem  of  State  Govern- 
ment. 

*Equity  Series.  15:203-6.  O.  '13.  New  Type  of  State  Govern- 
ment. 

Independent.  74:757-9.  Ap.  3,  '13.  State  Rule  by  Commission. 
Charles  M.   Harger. 

*Kansas.  Governor  (George  H.  Hodges).  Message  to  the 
Legislature,  March  10,   1913. 

Kansas.  State  Library.  Legislative  Reference  Department. 
Legislative  Systems.     1914. 

Contains  a   bibliography. 

Literary  Digest.  46:934-5.  Ap.  26,  '13.  Commission  Govern- 
ment for  States. 

Outlook.  103:742-3.  Ap.  5,  '13.  Commission  Government  for 
States. 

County  Government 

Books  and   Pamphlets 

Cartwright,  Otho  Grandford.  Some  Needs  to  Be  Considered  in 
Reconstructing  County  Governirent.  (In  Proceedings  of  the 
First  Conference  for  Better  County  Government  in  New 
York  State,  Nov.  13-14,  1914.    pp.  8-21.) 

*Childs,  Richard  S.  County  Manager  Plan.  (In  Proceedings  of 
the  First  Conference  for  Better  County  Government  in  New 
York  State,  November  13-14,  1914.     pp.  65-73.) 

♦National  Short  Ballot  Organization.     First  Short  Ballot  County. 

Alagacinc  Articles 

Annals  of  the  American  Academy.  41  :  193-203.  My.  '12.  Effi- 
ciency in    County   Government.    Otho  Grandford    Cartwright 

Annals  of  the  American  .Academy.  47:3-13.  My.  '13.  Elements 
of  the  County   Problem.     H.  S.   Gilbertson. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  xv 

Annals  of  the  American  Academy.  47:14-25.  My.  '13.  County 
Community  and  Its  Government.     William  L.  Bailey. 

Annals  of  the  American  Academy.  47:26-38.  My.  '13.  County 
Government  in  New  England.     Frank  A.  Updyke. 

.A.nnals  of  the  American  .A.cademy.  47:85-100.  My.  '13.  County 
in  Politics.     Chester  Lloyd  Jones. 

Annals  of  the  American  Academy.  47:274-8.  My.  '13.  Theo- 
retically  Perfect   County.     Richard   S.    Childs. 

Annals  of  the  American  Academy.  47 :  229-36.  My.  '13.  County 
Home  Rule  in  California;  the  Los  Angeles  County  Charter. 
Lewis  R.  Works. 

Annals  of  the  American  Academy.  47:  271-3.  My.  '13.  State 
and  County  Government  in  Oregon  and  Proposed  Changes. 
W.  S.  U'Ren. 

*Equity.     16:53-4.     Ja.  '14.     County  Problem. 

'''Review  of  Reviews.  46:604-8.  N.  '12.  Discovery  of  the  County 
Problem.       H.   S.  Gilbertson. 

*Short  Ballot  Bulletin,  i  :  2-3.  F.  '12.  Personal  Suggestions 
for  a  Model  County.    Richard  S.  Childs. 

Survey.  31:49.  Ja.  24,  '14.  Commission  Government  and  Paid 
Managers  for  Counties.       H.  S.   Gilbertson. 

*Survey.  31 :490.  Ja.  24,  '14.  Commission  Government  and  Paid 
Managers  for  Counties.     H.   S.  Gilbertson. 

Survey.  31 :  491-2.  Ja.  2.4,  '14.  Significance  and  Character  of 
Reform  for  Counties.     T.  L.  Hinckley. 

*World's  Work.  26 :  274.  Jl.  '13.  County  Commission  Govern- 
ment. 

City  Government 

A  complete  bibliography  of  commission  form  of  municipal  government 
is  included  in  the  Debater's  Handbook  on  that  subject — hence  its  omission 
here. 

Books  and  Pamphlets 

Amarillo,  Texas.     Charter  Adopted  November   18,   1914. 

Beard,  Charles  A.  City  Manager  Plan  of  Municipal  Govern- 
ment.   2d    ed.     National    Short    Ballot    Org'anization.     1914. 

Beard,  Charles  A.  ed.  I^ose  Leaf  Digest  of  Short  Ballot 
Charters.  A  Documentary  History  of  the  Commission  Form 
of  Municipal  Government.  National  Short  Ballot  Organiza- 
tion.    191 1. 


xvi  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Childs,  Richard  S.  Story  of  the  Short  Ballot  Cities ;  an  Ex- 
planation of  the  Success  of  the  Commission  Form  of  Munici- 
pal  Government.     National    Short   Ballot    Organization. 

City  Manager  Plan  of  Municipal  Government.  American  City. 
1914. 

Dayton,  Ohio.  Charter  Commission.  Proposed  Charter  for  the 
City  of  Dayton.     1913. 

Dayton,  Ohio.  City  Manager.  Report  of  the  City  of  Dayton, 
January  i  to  June  30,  1914,  Submitted  to  the  City  Commis- 
sioners, August  I,  1914.  Bureau  of  Municipal  Research,  Day- 
ton, Ohio. 

Deming,  H.  E.  Government  of  American  Cities ;  a  Program  of 
Democracy.     Putnam.     1909. 

Goodnow,  F.  J.  City  Government  in  the  I'nitcd  States.  Cen- 
tury.    1906. 

Goodnow,    F.    J.     Municipal    Government.     Century.      1909. 

Hoag,  C.  G.  Representative  Council  Plan  of  City  Government. 
American  Proportional  Representation  League.  Pamphlet. 
No.  2.     1913. 

Holsinger,  S.  D.  General  Manager  Plan  of  Government  of 
Staunton,  Va.     1914. 

Lockport,  New  York.     Board  of    Trade.     The  Lockport  Plan. 

National  Municipal  League.  Commission  Plan  and  Commission- 
Manager  Plan  of  Municipal  Government. 

Rohhins,  E.  Clyde.  Selected  .Articles  on  the  Commission  Plan 
of  Municipal  Government.  3d  ed.  The  H.  W.  Wilson  Com- 
pany.    1912. 

Contains   a   bibliography. 

Sumter,    South    Carolina.     Chamber    of    Commerce.     City    Man- 
ager Plan  of  Municipal  Goverimient.     1913. 
Reprinted  in   Beard's   Loose  Leaf  Digest  of  Short   Ballot  Charters. 

Texas  University.  Bulletin.  February  20,  1915.  What  Is  the 
City  Manager  Plan?     Herman  G.  James. 

Contains  a  bibliography. 

Waite,  Henry  M.  Commission  Manager  Plan  in  .\ctual  Opera- 
tion.    National    Municipal  League.     1915. 

Upson,  L.  D.  Charter  Primer.  Bureau  of  Mimicipal  Research, 
Dayton,   Ohio. 

Wilcox,  D.  F.  Study  nf  City  riovernnunt.  pp.  JJ7-3J.  Mac- 
niillan.     i8<;7. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  xvii 

Magazine    Articles 

^American  City.  7:339-43.  O.  '12.  City  Charters  and  the  Short 
Ballot.     Harold    S.    Buttenheim. 

American  City.  9:523-5.  D.  '13.  Town  Manager  as  City  En- 
gineer.    K.  Riddle. 

American  City.  10:37-40.  Ja.  '14.  Commission  Form  versus 
City-Manager  Plan.     E.    S.  Bradford ;     H.    S.    Gilbertson. 

American  City.  11:11-13.  Jl-  '14-  City  Manager  Plan — the  Ap- 
plication of  Business  Methods  to  Municipal  Government. 
Henry  M.  Waite. 

Annals  of  the  American  Academy.  Commission  Government  in 
American  Cities,  2d  ed.,  1914:871.  Adoption  of  the  City- 
Manager  Plan.     E.  S.  Bradford. 

*Annals  of  the  American  Academy.  38:816-22.  N.  '11.  Short 
Ballot  and  the  Commission  Plan.     Richard  S.  Childs. 

*Annals  of  the  American  Academy.  38:877-83.  N.  '11.  Munici- 
pal Government  Administered  by  a  General  Manager — the 
Staunton    Plan.    John   Crosby. 

*Annals  of  the  American  Academy.  38:884-7.  N.  '11.  The 
Lockport   Proposal.    F.   D.    Silvernail. 

Annals  of  the  American  Academy.  Commission  Government  and 
the  City  Manager  Plan.     2d  ed.     Am.  Acad.     1914. 

*Annals  of  the  American  Academy.  Commission  Government  in 
American  Cities,  2d  ed.,  1914 :  862-70.  City  Manager  Charter 
of  Dayton.     L.  D.  Upson. 

*Annals  of  the  American  Academy.  Commission  Government  in 
American  Cities,  2d  ed.,  1914 :  872-6.  City  Manager  Plan  and 
Expert  City  Management.     H.  S.  Gilbertson. 

Arizona  Republican.  Phoenix,  Arizona.  September  12,  1913. 
Proposed  Charter  of  the  City  of  Phoenix. 

California  Outlook.  O.  25,  '13.  Commission  Form  and  the  City 
Manager  Plan.     E.  M.  Wilder. 

Conference  on  Good  City  Government.  1909 :  464-8.  Short  Bal- 
lot Principle.     Richard  S.   Childs. 

Collier's.  52:5-6.  Ja.  3,  '14.  Business-Managing  a  City.  I.  F. 
Marcosson. 

Equity  Series.     15:239-40.     O.  '13.  New  City  Manager  Charters. 

Kansas  Municipalities,  i :  13-8.  Ja.  '15.  Commission  Manager 
Plan  of  City  Government.     C.  A.  Dykstra. 


xviii  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Literary  Digest.     48:147-8.  Ja.  24,  '14.     Driving  Politics  out  of 
Dayton.  — .^^ 

Outlook.     93:608-10.  N.  20,  '09.     Boston  Adopts  the  Short  Bal- 
lot. 

*Review  of  Reviews.     45 :  82-5.  Ja.  '12.     Short  Ballot  in  Ameri- 
can Cities.     H.   S.   Gilbertson. 

Review    of    Reviews.     49:144-5.    F.    '14.     Progress   of   the    City 
Manager  Plan. 

Review    of    Reviews.      49:714-7.    Je.    '14.     How    Dayton's    City 
Manager  Plan  is  Working.    L.  D.  Upson. 

Technical    World.      21  :  13-9.    Mr.    '14.     Democracy    Chooses    an 
Autocrat.     W.   W.  Renwick. 

Twentieth    Century    Magazine.      3:500-2.    Mr.    '11.     The    Short 
Ballot — the  Secret   of  the   Success  of  the   Commission    Plan. 
Richard  S.  Childs. 
Also    printed    in    C.    A.    Beard's    Loose    Leaf    Digest    of    Short    Ballot 

Charters. 


INTRODUCTION 

The  selection  of  the  term  "Short  Ballot"  for  the  political 
philosophy  that  goes  by  that  name  is  not  particularly  appropriate, 
being  a  surface  designation  for  a  deep  and  fundamental  sub- 
ject. The  shortening  of  the  ballot  is  merely  the  method  by 
which  the  desired  result  is  to  be  accomplished. 

The  Short  Ballot  is,  in  brief,  that  system  of  popular  govern- 
ment which  reduces  the  number  of  elective  offices  to  a  mimimum. 
This  reduction  is  advocated  by  those  who  believe  that  knowl- 
edge of  the  fitness  of  a  candidate  on  the  part  of  the  voter  is 
requisite  to  intelligent  voting.  The  complexities  of  modern  mu- 
nicipal life  preclude  the  possibility  of  personal  knowledge  of 
any  considerable  number  of  candidates.  The  solidarity  of  the 
New  England  town  cannot  be  attained  by  the  more  densely 
populated,  urban  districts. 

Short  Ballot  advocates  plan  to  greatly  reduce  the  number 
of  elective  officials  and  to  hold  the  executive  responsible  for  the 
government,  and  subject  to  recall  if  the  electors  are  not  satis- 
fied. 

The  Short  Ballot  has  been  applied  to  various  phases  of  local 
government.  New  Jersey  elects  one  executive  officer — -the  gov- 
ernor. California  has  a  short  ballot  county.  Many  cities  have 
adopted  some  form  of  Short  Ballot  government.  As  evidence 
that  the  Short  Ballot  idea  is  making  headway,  the  governors  of 
eleven  states — Arizona,  Colorado,  Illinois,  Iowa,  Kansas,  Michi- 
gan, Nevada,  Oklahoma,  Oregon,  Washington  and  West  Vir- 
ginia recommended  in  messages  to  their  respective  legislatures 
in  1915  some  form  of  Short  Ballot  for  state  or  county  govern- 
ment, or  both. 

The  idea  of  responsible  government  by  a  few  carefully  chosen 
citizens  has  been  quite  generally  accepted  for  cities— but  the 
application  of  the  principle  to  state  and  county  government 
makes   slower  progress. 

With  the  coming  of  the  initiative  and  referendum,  the  voter 
is  confronted  with  the  necessity  of  deciding  many  questions,  in 
addition  to  the  long  ballot  containing  the  names  of  many  candi- 
dates   about   whom   he    knows    nothing.     The   questions    may   be 


2  ••'•.  .';/;',':.'  '.  .'   '  sjiort  ballot 

studied  and  intelligent  conclusions  arrived  at.  Reliable  infor- 
mation about  candidates  is  much  more  difficult  to  get.  It  seems 
imperative  that  the  voter  should  have  some  relief. 

The  objection  that  the  centralizing  of  power  in  the  hands  of  a 
few  is  undemocratic  is  met  by  the  instrument  known  as  the  re- 
call. Power,  far  from  being  in  one  hand,  is  an  attribute  of  the 
multitude.  The  multitude  acting  through  the  medium  of  the 
recall  is  the  repository  of  power. 

The  simplification  of  the  task  of  the  voter  is  a  question  press- 
ing for  solution.     The  Short  Ballot  is  one  of  the  ways  out. 

Edna  D.  Bullock. 
April  19,  1915. 


GENERAL  DISCUSSION 

Equity.     17:76-8.     January,  1915 

Bright  Prospects  in  New  York 

The  result  of  the  New  York  campaign  for  the  Short  Ballot 
this  year  will  have  very  great  strategic  importance  for  the  whole 
movement  throughout  the  United  States.  Fortunately,  the  Con- 
stitutional Convention  which  meets  in  April  is  composed  of  men 
who,  despite  their  conservatism  on  many  subjects,  make  common 
cause  with  those  who  favor  the  simplification  of  government,  to 
the  end  that  the  average  citizen  may  select  his  public  representa- 
tives with  intelligent  discrimination.  Conspicuous  lights  in  the 
convention,  such  as  Elihu  Root,  Henry  L.  Stirason,  Seth  Low, 
Herbert  Parsons,  etc.,  not  only  do  not  need  to  be  convinced 
of  the  merit  and  importance  of  the  Short  Ballot  principle,  but 
they  may  be  expected  to  go  into  the  convention  with  a  militant 
purpose  to  have  the  principle  written  into  the  constitution. 

Only  one  member  of  prominence,  to  wit :  Edgar  Truman 
Brackett  of  Saratoga  Springs,  can  be  counted  on  as  an  enemy 
of  the  movement.  Mr.  Brackett's  name  is  closely  associated 
with  the  history  of  the  old  guard  and  entrenched  standpatism. 
He  bases  his  principal  opposition  on  the  argument  that  nothing 
should  be  done  to  increase,  but  everything  to  decrease,  the  power 
of  the  executive  and  to  exalt  the  legislature.  Curiously  enough, 
Mr.  Brackett  does  not  realize  that  the  Short  Ballot  advocates 
and  he  are  on  common  ground  in  this  respect.  That  is  to  say, 
if  the  Short  Ballot  principle  is  carried  out  to  its  logical  limits, 
it  would  mean  that  only  policy-determining  officers  would  be 
elective  and  that  the  executive  would  be  subordinated  to  the 
legislative  branch,  either  by  means  of  something  analogous  to 
the  city  manager  plan  or  by  the  adoption  of  the  parliamentary 
system  of  government.  And  so,  Mr.  Brackett's  keen  intellect 
may  even  yet  bring  him  around  to  the  point  where  he  will  be 
the  most  radical  of  all  Short  Ballot  advocates ! 

Shortly  before  the  November  election  a  canvass  of  all  the 
candidates   for   delegates   to  the   Constitutional    Convention   was 


4  SHORT   BALLOT 

made  by  the  Short  Ballot  Organization.  This  brought  in  129 
replies.  Of  this  number  all  but  six  expressed  themselves  as  in 
favor  of  the  general  principle,  two  were  against  the  idea,  but 
only  one  of  them  (Mr.  Brackett)  was  elected.  Four  of  the  dele- 
gates were  non-committal. 

Of  123  favoring  the  Short  Ballot  idea  in  general,  practically 
all  favored  taking  the  principal  administrative  state  officers  oflf 
the  ballot  and  providing  for  their  appointment  by  the  governor. 
A  few  of  this  number  thought  that  the  comptroller  should 
remain  on  the  elective  list. 

Seventy-four  of  the  123  were  in  favor  of  a  constitutional 
amendment  which  would  remove  the  present  requirement  that 
all  the  principal  county  officers  must  be  elective.  Twenty-nine 
were  non-committal  or  undecided,  and  twenty  were  against  the 
proposition. 

Forty-three  were  definitely  in  favor  of  making  the  Court  of 
Appeals  appointive.  The  question  was  so  stated  that  it  is 
impossible  to  determine  how  many  of  the  rest  were  undecided 
or  non-committal  and  how  many  were  against  the  appointed 
judiciary. 

Eighty-five  favored  a  four-year  term  for  the  governor,  twelve 
were  against  the  plan  and  the  remainder  were  non-committal, 
except  three,  who  favored  a  three-year  term  and  one  who 
favored  a  six-year  term. 

Seventy-nine  believed  that  the  governor  in  making  appoint- 
ments should  have  complete  responsibility  for  the  same  and 
should  not  be  required  to  submit  bis  judgments  to  the  Senate. 
Fourteen  definitely  favored  the  present  system  of  divided  respon- 
sibility.    Thirty  were  undecided  or  non-committal. 

On  the  application  of  the  Short  Ballot  to  the  legislative  side 
of  the  government  very  little  has  yet  been  said.  The  New 
York  Times,  h.owever,  comes  out  with  the  interesting  tiiough 
not  altogether  original  suggestion  that  the  number  of  representa- 
tives in  either  house  of  the  legislature  be  materially  reduced, 
with  the  idea  of  increasing  the  importance  of  legislative  posi- 
tions and  thereby  inviting  a  greater  interest  and  attention  on 
the  part  of  the  voter. 

Immediately  after  the  election  on  November  3d  the  New 
.York  Short  Ballot  Organization  questioned  5,000  voters  (names 
taken  from  telephone  directory),  in  New  York  City  and  subur- 
ban and  rural  sections : 


SHORT   BALLOT  5 

"Do  you  remember  the  name  of  the  candidate  you  voted  for 
(i)  for  lieutenant-governor,  (2)  for  comptroller,  (3)  for  attor- 
ney-general, (4)  for  secretary  of  state,  (s)  for  state  treasurer, 
(6)  for  state  engineer,  (7)  for  judge.  Court  of  Appeals?"  Be- 
tween 700  and  800  replies  were  received,  showing  that  the 
percentage  of  those  replying  who  did  not  remember  the  name 
of  the  candidate  they  voted  for  was  as  follows : 

For  lieutenant-governor,  29  per  cent;  for  comptroller,  44.4 
per  cent ;  for  attorney-general,  40  per  cent ;  for  secretary  of  state, 
31  per  cent;  for  state  treasurer,  37  per  cent;  for  state  engineer, 
36  per  cent;  for  judge.  Court  of  Appeals,  28  per  cent.  There  was 
no  check,  of  course,  on  the  veracity  of  the  signers. 

This  census  seems  to  dispose,  rather  effectively  of  the  claim 
that  though  the  voters  neglect  other  officers  they  do  know 
and  care  about  the  comptrollership. 

Gov^ernor  Whitman  has  expressed  himself  on  the  Short 
Ballot  as  follows : 

'T  am  for  the  Short  Ballot.  I  think  the  only  elective  officers 
of  the  state  should  be  the  governor,  lieutenant-governor  and 
possibly  the  comptroller.  The  attorney-general  should  certainly 
be  appointed  by  the  governor.  He  is  the  legal  adviser  to  the 
governor  and  all  the  state  departments,  and  his  functions  are 
similar  to  those  of  both  corporation  counsel  and  district  attor- 
ney." 

Nebraska  State  Journal.     February  21,   19 15 

Short  Ballot  and  the  Judiciar}'.     Francis   A.    Brogan 

This  whole  subject  of  efficiency  in  the  administration  of  jus- 
tice is  a  live  topic  throughout  the  entire  United  States.  Some- 
time ago  the  National  Economic  League,  including  some  of  the 
leading  thinkers  in  America,  appointed  a  committee  to  investi- 
gate the  causes  and  propose  remedies.  This  committee  consists 
of  Charles  W.  Eliot,  ex-president  of  Harvard  University; 
Moorfield  Storey,  a  lawyer  and  publicist  of  Boston ;  Louis  D. 
Brandeis,  a  lawyer  of  Boston  whose  services  in  the  cause  of 
popular  government  are  known  to  the  entire  public ;  A.  J.  Roden- 
beck  and  Roscoe  Pound.  They  propose  six  radical  remedies 
relating  to  the  legal  profession,  the  judiciary,  the  law  making 
power,  and  the  people  themselves.     I  wish  there  could  be,  before 


6  SHORT   BALLOT 

all  the  people  of  Nebraska,  a  full  discussion  of  the  entire  six 
questions  raised  by  these  eminent  gentlemen  and  a  full  under- 
standing of  their  views.  But  I  must  at  this  time  confine  myself 
to  only  one  point  and  can  indulge  in  only  a  few  suggestions 
concerning  that  one. 

It  is  the  view  of  this  body  that,  to  use  their  own  language, 
"effective  administration  of  justice  requires  a  unification  of  the 
judicial  system  whereby  the  whole  judicial  power  of  the  state 
shall  be  vested  in  one  organization,  of  which  all  tribunals  shall 
be  branches  or  departments  or  divisions." 

At  the  present  time  our  different  courts  are,  to  a  great  extent, 
strangers  to  each  other.  Until  recently  the  most  technical  pro- 
ceeding was  the  transfer  of  a  case  from  the  district  to  the 
supreme  court,  for  purposes  of  review.  The  supreme  court 
was  not  permitted  to  know  of  the  existence  of  a  lawsuit  in  the 
district  court,  until  it  was  introduced  to  it  in  the  most  technical 
and  formal  way  by  the  processes  at  that  time  provided  by  law. 
And,  although  the  practice  has  been  simplified  and  a  liberal 
construction  given  to  it,  yet  it  still  remains  true  that  there  is  no 
connection  whatever  between  the  various  courts  in  Nebraska, 
except  by  way  of  appeal.  Our  supreme  court  is  not  permitted 
to  concern  itself  with  the'  general  administration  of  justice, 
except  as  individuals,  from  time  to  time,  when  aggrieved  by  a 
decision  of  the  lower  court,  bring  the  record  before  the  supreme 
court  of  review.  By  their  decision  in  that  particular  case,  they 
can  right  whatever  wrong  has  been  done  and  either  affirm  the 
judgment  or  start  it  on  its  way  for  a  retrial.  They  can  by  their 
published  opinion  indicate  what  justice  requires  in  that  particular 
case  and  all  other  cases  of  a  similar  nature,  so  that,  out  of  all 
their  published  opinions,  consisting  now  of  nearly  loo  volumes, 
a  system  of  law  can  be  evolved  for  the  guidance  of  lawyers 
in  advising  their  clients,  and  the  lower  courts  in  dispatching 
business. 

But  there  is  no  administration  of  the  judicial  department 
and  there  never  has  been.  Our  theory  of  courts  precludes  any 
effective  administration  of  the  entire  business.  We  have  never 
been  even  conscious  of  tiie  business  side  of  administration  of 
justice. 

This  defect  in  their  judicial  system  was  fully  analyzed  and 
understood  in  England  a  generation  ago,  and  now  in  that 
country  there  is  but  one  court,  having  departments  or  branches. 


SHORT   BALLOT  7 

It  is  the  recommendation  of  this  committee  that  the  states 
that  are  dissatisfied  with  the  working  of  their  judicial  system, 
should,  by  appropriate  constitutional  amendment  and  changes  in 
the  organic  law  establish  a  single  court  or  a  single  department 
of  justice,  having  branches  corresponding  to  courts.  If  we 
adopted  this  suggestion  in  Nebraska,  we  would  have  a  single 
court,  of  which  the  appellate  department,  or  supreme  court,  > 
would  consist  of  a  chief  justice  and  six  associates.  The  district 
court  department  would  consist  of  the  present  district  judges, 
trying  cases  in  their  respective  parts  of  the  state,  and  a  county 
court  with  deputies  corresponding  to  the  local  justices  of,  the 
peace.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that  no  serious  shock  would  be 
felt  in  transferring  from  the  present  system  to  that  which  is 
proposed.  But  the  chief  justice  would  be  made  the  head  of 
the  department  of  justice,  and  would  be  literally  a  judge  of 
every  department  of  that  court,  as  much  qualified  to  sit  as  a 
justice  of  the  peace,  a  county  judge,  or  a  district  judge,  as  to 
preside  over  the  sessions  of  the  appellate  tribunal,  and  this  is 
not  because  it  is  desirable  that  he  should  ever  do  so,  but  it 
would  enable  him  to  organize  all  these  separate  departments 
into  one  system  and  make  out  of  them  an  effective  ma- 
chinery for  the  prompt  and  efficient  dispatch  of  the  business  of 
the  courts. 

It  is  proposed  that  there  shall  be  a  judicial  council,  composed 
of  all  the  district  judges  in  the  state,  who  shall  each  year  attend 
a  meeting  presided  over  by  the  chief  justice,  or  by  a  presiding 
officer  appointed  by  him.  It  is  proposed  that  the  county  judges 
shall  likewise  meet  once  a  year.  Both  of  these  meetings  shall 
be  for  the  purpose  of  reporting  progress,  exchanging  views,  and 
taking  counsel  with  each  other,  and  with  the  presiding  officers, 
as  to  the  manner  in  which  the  business  of  the  public,  so  far  as 
related  to  the  administration  of  justice,  is  being  conducted. 

One  of  the  important  results  of  such  a  method  would  be 
that  all  the  judicial  efficiency  of  this  entire  body  could  be  con- 
stantly at  work  for  the  dispatch  of  business.  To  borrow  a 
military  term  recently  applied  to  the  reorganized  banking  system 
of  the  country,  the  judicial  efficiency  of  the  courts  of  Nebraska 
could  be  "mobilized"  so  as  to  obtain  the  best  and  highest  results 
from  the  work  of  these  public  servants. 

I  have  not  the  time  to  go  into  all  the  details  of  the  benefits 
that  would  accrue  from  such  a  method.     Some  of  them  may  be 


8  SHORT   BALLOT 

briefly  referred  to.  Whenever  it  was  apparent  to  the  chief  jus- 
tice that  the  work  of  the  supreme  court  was  not  being  dispatched 
so  as  to  keep  up  with  that  docket  judges  from  the  district  court 
could  be  assigned  to  help  out  with  the  work  of  the  supreme 
court.  When  the  cases  in  one  district  hai>pened  to  be  more 
than  the  judge  of  that  district  could  dispatch  with  promptness, 
judges  from  other  districts  could  be  assigned  to  clean  up  the 
work.  Many  other  details  of  that  character  would  readily  sug- 
gest themselves. 

There  are  other  phases  of  this  method  which  would  conunend 
it  to  the  public  when  its  effects  become  apparent.  One  is  that 
.there  would  be  an  opportunity  for  promotion  of  judges  from  one 
department  to  another,  and  a  professional  spirit  would  be  created, 
such  as  obtains  in  a  well  managed  and  highly  organized  business 
institution,  where  the  lowest  clerk  aspires  to  be  general  manager 
by  means  of  the  record  which  he  can  make  in  his  work. 

What  has  all  this  to  do  with  the  Short  Ballot  and  the 
constitutional  convention  ? 

In  the  first  place,  the  complete,  successful  reorganization  of 
our  judicial  system  cannot  be  brought  about  by  legislation,  nor 
by  constitutional  amendments,  adopted  separately  by  piecemeal. 
Nor  can  we  hope  to  secure  the  acceptance  of  the  radical  changes 
necessary,  by  means  of  desultory  discussion  at  meetings  of  this 
character  and  elsewhere,  whenever  the  subject  of  the  dissatisfac- 
tion of  the  people  with  the  working  of  their  courts  comes  up 
for  consideration.  It  can  be  adequately  dealt  with  only  in  a 
constitutional  convention,  selected  by  the  people  of  Nebraska  in 
the  manner  provided  by  our  present  law. 

It  has  been  apparent  for  twenty  years  that  our  courts  were 
not  responsive  to  the  public  needs.  We  have  adopted  various 
remedies  and  made  use  of  many  devices,  some  of  them  by 
legislation  and  some  by  constitutional  amendment,  yet  at  the  end 
of  twenty  years  of  such  experimentation,  we  are  back  to  where 
we  were  at  the  beginning,  with  a  congested  docket,  inefficiency, 
delay  and  public  dissatisfaction  with  the  administration  of  justice. 
It  is  proposed  to  meet  the  difficulty  by  re-establishing  the  sui)reme 
court  commission.  The  only  objection  I  would  suggest  to  that 
.method  is  one  that  I  made  twenty  years  ago,  when  it  was  first 
proposed.  If  it  serves  only  to  turn  away  public  attention  from 
the  vital  need  of  an  entire  reorganization,  then  it  would  i)e  better 
■  to  sufTer   for  a  while  the  evils  of  a  congested  docket,  and   thus 


SHORT   BALLOT  9 

force  the  calling  of  a  constitutional  convention  to  revise  the 
entire  system. 

In  so  far  as  the  present  election  laws  force  the  selection  of 
judges  at  an  election  where  the  voter  is  pelted  with  so  many 
questions  that  his  faculties  of  decision  are  benumbed  and 
atrophied,  the  needsi  of  our  judicial  system  are  vitally  interested 
in  the  proppsed  reform  of  the  Short  Ballot.  But  I  would  be 
disposed  to  go  much  farther.  The  people  of  the  United  States 
are  seriously  reopening  a  debate  which  was  considered  closed 
fifty  years  ago,  and  are  reconsidering  tlie  question  whether  the 
judges  who  are  intended  to  give  expert  service  to  a  highly  tech- 
nical function,  ought  not  to  be  appointed,  rather  than  elected  by 
the  whole  people.  When  this  question  is  first  broached  any- 
where for  discussion,  it  is  assumed  that  the  people  are  so  con- 
vinced of  the  necessity  of  a  general  election  of  judges  that  they 
are  not  open  to  reason  on  the  subject.  I  think  this  attitude  is  a 
mistake.  To  those  of  us  who  are  convinced  that  the  element 
of  appointment  by  selection  should  figure  to  some  e.s;tent  in  the 
naming  of  judges  for  our  courts,  there  is  a  solemn  duty  to 
express  the  faith  that  is  in  us,  and  continue  to  believe  that  w'hat- 
ever  is  right  and  best  for  the  public  will  finally  be  approved  and 
favored  by  the  public.  The  committee  of  the  Economic  League 
makes  a  telling  point  when  it  shows  that  in  those  courts  where 
the  judges  are  appointed  by  the  executive,  more  progressive  and 
liberal  and  advanced  ideas  are  expressed  in  the  decisions  of  the 
courts  than  in  those  jurisdictions  where  the  judges  are  chosen 
at  popular  elections.  All  the  narrow,  technical  and  reactionary 
decisions  which  have  provoked  popular  discontent  with  the 
judiciary,  have  occurred  in  those  states  where  the  judges  are 
always  elected. 

A  system  has  been  suggested,  containing  the  better  features 
of  appointment,  and  election  by  the  people,  and  it  is  even 
adapted  to  furnish  some  slight  concession  to  those  who  believe 
in  judicial  recall.  It  is  proposed  that  in  the  first  instance  no 
member  of  the  entire  judicial  system  should  be  elected,  onl}^  the 
chief  justice.  It  is  believed  that  public  attention  could  be  so 
centered  upon  that  one  office  as  to  secure  not  only  a  good 
lawyer  but  a  man  of  affairs,  who  would  possess  the  administra- 
tive faculties  necessary  to  carry  out  the  proposed  reorganization 
cf  the  courts.  And  that  this  chief  justice  should  by  appointment 
initiate  the  tenure  of  every  member  of  the  judicial  system,  and 


10  SHORT   BALLOT 

that  the  appointment  should  be,  in  the  first  instance,  for  a  fixed 
term,  and  the  tenure  thereafter  should  be  dependent  upon  a 
popular  election  at  which  no  one  would  be  eligible  except  those 
who  had  already  served  by  appointment. 

It  is  rather  a  remarkable  circumstance,  when  we  are  discuss- 
ing this  subject  in  this  state  capital  of  Nebraska,  along  lines  of 
discussion  which  originated  with  this  national  body,  that,  of  the 
seven  members  of  the  state  supreme  court,  five  began  their 
service  in  that  body  either  as  judges  or  commissioners,  by 
appointment,  and,  after  a  period  of  such  service,  they  were  pro- 
moted to  their  present  positions  by  popular  election,  and  that 
six  out  of  the  seven  served  as  district  judges  before  beginning 
their  careers  on  the  higher  court.  In  this  respect,  therefore,  the 
plan  does  not  propose  a  serious  innovation,  nor  suggest  any 
important  difference  in  the  personnel  of  our  judges,  but  only 
aims  at  an  organization  which  will  make  for  efficiency  in 
method. 

What  have  these  suggestions  to  do  with  the  work  of  a  popular 
government  league?  The  first  casual  glance  at  this  plan  would 
suggest  the  objection  that  it  is  taking  the  judiciary  away  from 
the  direct  control  of  the  people,  and  therefore  is  not  in  accord 
with  the  purposes  of  a  popular  government  league.  But  just 
as  the  reformed  government  of  our  municipalities  has  passed 
through  the  commission  stage  and  is  rapidly  approaching  the 
plan  of  a  general  manager,  selected  by  commission,  and  just  as 
the  movement  which  has  been  in  operation  in  this  country  for 
some  years  in  favor  of  more  direct  control  by  the  people  over 
their  governmental  affairs  has  led  inevitably  to  the  agitation  for 
the  Short  Ballot  as  a  means  by  which  that  control  can  be  made 
effective,  so  this  plan,  proposed  for  the  judiciary,  is.  the  inevitable 
outcome  of  the  agitation  for  the  reorganization  of  the  courts,  so 
that  they  may  carry  into  effect  the  popular  will  and  at  the  same 
time  preserve  the  fundamental  principles  of  justice. 

To  enable  a  chief  justice  to  unify  the  mere  business  side  of 
the  courts  does  not  mean  that  he  could  dictate  the  decisions  in 
any  of  the  courts.  Each  judge,  after  his  appointment,  would 
become  entirely  independent  of  the  chief  justice  who  appointed 
him.  He  would  thereafter  look  to  the  people  for  his  re-election. 
This  would  preserve  the  independence  of  the  judiciary  and  at  the 
same  time  make  it  responsive  to  the  popular  will.  But  it  would 
hold  the  chief  justice  responsible  for  the  organization  and  admin- 


SHORT  BALLOT  ii 

istration  of  the  forces  provided  by  law  for  the  dispatch  of  busi- 
ness. As  a  detail  of  this  plan  it  is  proposed  that  the  chief 
justice  could  be  removed  from  office,  not  by  the  cumbersome 
method  of  impeachment,  but  by  resolution  of  the  legislature, 
upon  complaint  and  after  due  hearing  and  that  any  judge  in 
the  entire  system,  other  than  the  chief  justice,  could  be  removed 
by  action  of  a  tribunal  consisting  of,  or  made  up  from,  all  the 
judges  of  the  supreme  and  district  courts,  and  that,  in  addition 
to  such  control,  the  legislature  itself  could  remove  any  judge 
in  the  same  manner  as  the  chief  justice. 

I  wish  to  make  one  suggestion  of  a  general  nature  to  close 
this  paper.  I  want  to  bespeak  an  open  mind  and  an  impartial 
hearing  on  the  part  of  the  people  and  the  leaders  of  the  people 
for  the  proposals  which  have  resulted  from  the  disinterested 
work  of  the  public-spirited  men  in  the  nation  who  are  bending 
their  energies  to  the  solution  of  this  vexed  problem  of  efficiency 
in  the  administration  of  justice.  If  the  people  refuse  to  give  a 
fair  hearing  to  a  carefully  prepared  plan  because  it  runs  counter 
to  some  existing  prejudice,  then  we  shall  continue  our  present 
inadequate  methods  of  dealing  with  this  delicate  and  vital 
function  of  government  and  no  radical  and  deep  seated  reform 
can  be  brought  about. 

On  the  other  hand,  if  we  will  give  to  the  consideration  of 
this  subject  the  same  candid  and  open  minded  attention  that 
we  are  able  to  give  to  other  questions,  if  we  can  justify  Kip- 
ling's description  of  the  American  as  one  who  turns  "a  keen, 
untroubled  face  straight  to  the  instant  need  of  things,"  existing 
difficulties  in  the  administration  of  justice  can  be  so  completely 
removed  that  we  will  come  in  time  to  wonder  why  it  was 
delayed  so  long. 

Politics  without  Politicians  * 
Richard  S.  Childs 

Politician  :  A  citizen  who  knows  what  he  is  doing  on  elec- 
tion day.  He  goes  to  the  polls  and  votes  for  some  twenty-three 
candidates,  all  of  whom  he  knows  about. 

Political  Organization  :  A  name  given  to  a  series  of  cere- 
monies wherein  the  politician,  before  election  sets  the  table  for 

*  Reprinted  from    Saturday  Evening  Post,   January   zz,    19 lo. 


12  SHORT   BALLOT 

the  electorate  by  selecting  twenty-three  candidates  and  tying 
them  up  neatly,  like  asparagus,  in  bunches  called  '"tickets." 

Electorate:  A  mob  of  citizens  that  goes  to  the  polls  before 
the  ball  game  on  election  day  and,  picking  out  one  of  the  ready- 
made  bunches,  casts  it  into  the  ballot  box.  Each  citizen  thus 
votes  for  three  men  whom  he  knows  about  and  twenty  others 
he  never  heard  of.  Apply  it  to  yourself.  Name,  please,  the 
county  clerk,  the  state  treasurer,  the  coroner  and  the  alderman 
you  voted  for  last  time ;  and  why  you  preferred  each. 

MiSREi'RE.SENT.\TiVE  GOVERNMENT:  A  Condition  wherein  of- 
ficial No.  i8,  elected  as  above,  is  more  gratefully  obedient  to  the 
politician,  who  graciously  tied  him  up  into  the  victorious  bunch, 
than  to  the  electorate,  which  went  off  to  the  ball  game  without 
noticing  the  eighteenth  name  on  the  ticket  at  all. 

Direct  Primaries:  An  arrangement  that  permits  the  elec- 
torate to  be  present  at  the  bunch-making.  An  incomplete  success 
for  the  same  reason  that  the  election  is  an  incomplete  success, 
namely,  that  the  electorate  never  has  in  mind  as  many  as 
twenty-three  men  that  it  wants. 

The  class  in  political  science  is  now  dismissed.  Tiie  class 
in  United  States  history  will  assemble. 

Tlie  Asparagus  I'otiiig  System 

In  the  first  decades  of  the  Republic  there  were  very  few  elec- 
tive offices.  Candidates  came  to  the  front  by  various  methods 
and  campaigned  for  the  votes,  and  in  due  time  Mr.  Citizen  went 
to  the  polls  and  wrote  down  on  blank  paper,  from  memory,  the 
two  or  three  names  of  his  selection.  Ballot  devices  varied,  but 
the  voting  was  uniformly  from  memory.  Tickets  under  such 
conditions  were  impossible.  Each  voter  made  up  his  own  list 
in  his  head  as  a  result  of  his  private  opinions.  .\nd  that  is 
real  democracy. 

"Jacksonian  democracy,"  with  the  best  of  intentions,  changed 
all  this  sixty  years  ago.  Every  state  felt  that  wave  of  opinion, 
and  only  the  Federal  Constitution,  sheltered  by  difficulty  of 
amendment,  escaped  change.  Had  it  been  more  easily  altere«l 
we  would  doubtless  today  be  electing  not  merely  president  and 
vice-president,  but  also  the  cabinet  officers,  the  judges  and  clerks 
of  the  Supreme  Court  and  the  circuit  court,  the  federal  district 
attorneys,  marslials  and  postmasters.  In  states  and  cities  just 
such  things  did  happen,  and  the  old   free  voting,  based  on   indi- 


SHORT   BALLOT  •  13 

vidual  opinion,  almost  completely  vanished,  surviving  now  only 
in  small  town  elections,  where  everybody  knows  everybody  else. 

It  was  an  easy  mistake  to  make.  Granted  that  the  people 
could,  without  dangerous  confusiion,  take  care  of  two  or  three 
elections  in  one  day,  why  not  increase  the  number  to  ten  or 
twenty  or  thirty,  making  coroners  and  judges  and  county  clerks 
and  city  auditors  elective  and  "directly  responsible  to  the  peo- 
ple?" It  was  hard  to  foresee — and  millions  do  not  see  yet — that 
increasing  the  number  of  simultaneous  elections  was  sufficient  to 
effect  a  change  of  principle.  The  old  electorate  chose  men  it 
knew,  either  personally  or  by  adequate  hearsay — the  new  elector- 
ate chose  men  it  did  not  know  even  by  name.  The  change  was 
vast  and  fundamental.  It  established  a  new  and  difficult  con- 
dition in  which  democracy  could  not  operate.  It  was  like  length- 
ening a  sword  till  it  became  too  cumbersome  for  the  soldier  to 
wield,  thus  practically  disarming  him.  And  from  that  day  this 
nation  has  actually  not  had  a  democratic  form  of  government, 
but  an  unworkable,  impractical  imitation  that  can  only  be  oper- 
ated by  professionals. 

Faced  with  the  problem  of  electing  more  men  than  he  could 
develop  opinions  about,  the  average  voter  shortened  his  task  to 
more  reasonable  limits  by  allowing  those  other  voters  who  were 
sufficiently  interested,  to  tie  up  the  candidates  for  him  like  stalks 
of  asparagus  in  the  handy  little  bunches  so  that  he  could  vote  for 
a  whole  bunch  at  once.  Unable  to  examine  and  select  the 
various  stalks  in  the  bunch,  the  voter  judged  by  the  looks  of 
the  most  prominent  stalk  and  by  the  character  of  the  men  who 
recommended  one  bunch  as  compared  with  that  of  the  men  who 
recommended  other  bunches.  After  a  time  these  bunches,  or 
tickets,  habitually  wore  the  names  of  national  parties,  although 
obviously  there  could  not,  properly,  be  a  Republican  way  or  a 
Prohibition  way  of  running  the  office  of  state  auditor  or  clerk 
of  the  court.  As  the  voter  was  no  longer  voting  for  individual 
men,  but  only  for  bunches,  a  man  who  desired  to  run  for  public 
office  could  hardly  hope  for  success  save  by  applying  privately  to 
the  men  who  tied  up  the  most  popular  bunch.  This  saved  the 
candidate  any  embarrassment  that  he  might  have  suffered  if 
compelled  to  stand  out  in  conspicuous  solitude  before  the  search- 
ing scrutiny  of  the  public.  In  fact,  all  the  small  stalks  in  the 
bunches  could  keep  still  or  go  to  Europe  during  the  campaign 
or  freely  admit  a  record  black  as  ink,  and  yet  be  triumphantly 


14  SHORT  BALLOT 

elected.  It  is  even  a  matter  of  court  record  in  one  great 
American  city  that  empty  names,  the  figment  of  a  boss's  imagi- 
nation, were  elected  to  minor  offices. 

Furthermore,  minor  candidates  who  did  vigorously  seek 
public  attention  found  the  voters  apathetic.  It  was  not  that  they 
did  not  want  the  best  man  to  get  the  little  office,  but  the  differ- 
ence it  could  make  was  so  trifling  that  each  voter's  share  of  the 
public  interest  concerned  therein  would  hardly  justify  the  energy 
required  to  study  the  question.  And  if,  nevertheless,  all  can- 
didates for  all  the  offices  dutifully  made  a  fuss,  the  Babel  would 
have  been  too  confusing  to  bring  any  great  or  appreciable 
increase  in  popular  discrimination. 

Talk  with  a  citizen  of  Toronto  or  Glasgow  or  Lucerne  and 
he  will  tell  you  that  the  reason  for  their  clean,  efficient,  scandal- 
free  government  is  in  the  superior  civic  pride  of  their  people, 
which  would  never  tolerate  bossism  for  a  minute.  But  let  him 
come  to  this  land  and  assume  citizenship,  and  see  what  happens. 

Twenty-five  Elections   on   One   Day 

Taking  an  interest  in  his  new  franchise  he  studies  the  subject 
carefully  as  it  is  presented  to  him  in  the  public  prints,  and 
undertakes  to  make  up  his  mind  as  to  whom  he  wants  to  vote 
for.  Going  to  the  polls  on  election  day  he  finds  on  his  ballot  the 
names  of  the  mayor  of  liis  choice,  the  comptroller  and,  perhaps, 
one  or  two  other  candidates  whom  he  has  seen  on  the  public 
platform.  At  the  most  he  probably  has  an  intelligent  opinion, 
or  an  opinion  of  any  kind,  concerning  four  or  five  of  the  prin- 
cipal men.  He  confronts,  however,  a  huge  sheet  of  paper  con- 
taining perhaps  one  hundred  names  arranged  in  columns  about 
twenty-five  deep.  As  he  would  express  it,  there  are  twenty-five 
elections  on  one  day.  He  finds  himself  invited  to  choose  between 
Smith,  Jones,  Williams  and  Johnson  for  the  office  of  county  clerk. 
He  has  given  no  thought  to  that  office,  he  knows  nothing  of  the 
men  who  are  named,  and  if  he  should  go  back  to  consult  his 
newspaper  file  he  would  find  that  the  newspapers  had  said  little 
or  nothing  about  them.  The  offices  of  sheriff,  county  clerk, 
supervisor  of  the  poor,  public  librarian,  conmiissioner  of  public 
works,  are  all  evidently  being  contested  for,  bu^  he  has  not  had 
the  slightest  information  as  to  the  relative  capabilities  of  the 
men,  and   when,   finally,  in  bewilderment,  he  casts  his   vote   for 


I 


SHORT   BALLOT  15 

tne  straight  party  ticket,  he  is  registering  an  intelligent  opinion 
on  about  one-tenth  of  his  ballot;  the  other  nine-tenths  he  has 
delegated,  by  default,  to  the  control  of  the  party  boss,  and  is 
blindly  registering  his  comparative  confidence  in  the  men  chosen 
by  one  set  of  party  bosses  rather  than  those  put  forward  by  the 
opposing  leaders.  He  votes  blindly  for  the  most  part,  and  a 
man  who  votes  blindly  is  being  bossed. 

He  is  no  better  than  the  rest  of  us,  you  see.  In  fact,  if  this 
long  ballot  had  appeared  in  his  own  home  city  it  is  probable 
that  its  consequences  would  have  been  even  worse  than  here. 
For  we  have  widespread  education,  a  quick  flow  of  information, 
unequaled  political  genius  and  a  civic  pride  that  will  stand  on 
its  hind  legs  and  paw  the  air  for  joy  when  there  is  anything  to 
jubilate  about. 

"But  admitting  all  this,"  j-ou  say,  "if  our  people  really  do 
want  good  government,  would  they  not  have  made  the  politicians 
give  it  to  them?  Would  they  not  have  rewarded  merit  in  bosses 
by  electing  the  better  bunch  each  time  and  thus  make  them  seek 
to  suit  their  wishes  to  the  utmost,  as  a  tradesman  seeks  to  please 
a  customer?"  Exactly  so,  and  there  is  a  limit  to  misgovern- 
ment,  a  time  when  we  balk  at  the  quality  of  the  goods  we  are 
getting,  and  the  boss  must  keep  us  content.  But  there  is  a 
counter-tendency  downward,  in  that  the  boss-tradesman  wants 
his  profit,  and  it  is  that  profit,  or  graft,  that  we  object  to.  It 
would  seem  that  we  might  find  and  keep  in  power  bosses  who 
were  so  public-spirited  that  they  would  collect  no  graft.  That 
does  not  happen,  because  the  dominant  organization  in  any  com- 
munity is  always  corrupt.  To  make  a  less  brutal  statement — 
the  dominant  organization  is  the  one  that  gets  corrupted.  There 
is  no  point  in  corrupting  a  powerless  machine.  It  is  to  the 
party  with  power  that  the  grafters  and  self-seekers  flock.  A 
club  can  "repel  boarders"  and  expel  rascals  that  are  found  inside, 
but  a  party  is  powerless  to  protect  itself  against  contamination. 
The  Republican  party  was  out  of  the  grip  of  its  founders  after 
its  second  victory.  Let  the  Prohibition  party  carry  a  city  elec- 
tion once,  and  the  saloon  element  would  quietly  join  it  and 
dominate  it.  Reform  parties  without  number  have  gone  on  the 
rocks  because  the  original  reformers  could  not  prevent  this 
internal  poisoning.  A  long-ballot  system  of  government,  de- 
manding machines  to  operate  it,  cannot,  in  the  long  run,  elude 


i6  SHORT   BALLOT 

control  by  corrupt  machines.  Political  complexity  thus,  indi- 
rectly, invites  misgovernnient  as  automatically  as  dark  street"; 
invite  crime. 

TIic   Jl'ork  the  Boss  Does 

Yet,  under  present  conditions,  we  cannot  dismiss  the  machine, 
for  our  political  system,  not  being  shaped  to  fit  any  electorate- 
composed  of  human  beings,  would  hardly  work  at  all  without 
the  mediation  of  a  certain  degree  of  extra-legal  boss-organization 
to  supplement  its  awkwardness.  Suppose  there  were  no  ticket- 
making  machines,  for  instance,  in  Cleveland,  Ohio,  where  the 
1908  ballot  carried  forty-seven  offices.  Can  you  picture  the 
great  "blanket"  changed  from  the  long,  ruled  colunms,  with 
suggestive  "straight-ticket"  circles  at  the  top,  to  a  non-partisan 
ballot  over  whose  unlabeled  chaos  of  names  the  voter  must 
sprinkle  his  forty-seven  separate  X  marks?  Can  you  iiuagine 
any  ordinary  voter  comparing  the  individual  merits  of  each 
candidate  in  each  of  the  forty-seven  scrimmages?  An  election 
purports  to  gather  opinions,  but  such  an  election  would  d" 
nothing  of  the  sort.  It  would  be  like  letting  the  school  children 
vote — the  result  would  represent  little  or  nothing.  In  big, 
direct  primary  elections,  where  there  are  not  tickets,  the  boss  is 
often  plausible  when  he  argues:  "You  had  at  least  my  judg- 
ment under  the  old  convention  system — now  you  have  nobody's 
judgment,  for  the  people  do  no  thinking  at  all  on  the  majority 
of  the  names,  and  the  result  is  only  the  outcome  of  an  unjudgo'l, 
irresponsible  scramble  for  office,  frequently  participated  in  by 
'knaves  whom  I  would  have  excluded." 

No,  curse  the  boss  all  you  please,  but  we  are  indebted  to 
him  for  doing  the  work  which  the  electorate  ignores,  and  thus 
making  our  institutions   workable. 

The  standard  old  remedy  prescribed  for  the  national  ailment 
of    misrepresentative    government    is    for    the    electorate    public-    . 
spiritedly  to  take  firm  hold  of  its  electoral  work  and  to  learn  to    ^ 
make  genuine  selections   from  each  of   the  twenty-three  sets  of    ^ 
candidates ;  in  other  words,  to  become  politicians. 

That  the  American  electorate  has  never  seen  fit  to  adopt 
this  plan  is,  possibly,  rather  fortunate,  for  if  "all  good  citizetis" 
did  go  into  politics,  taking  an  active,  constructive  part  in  the 
selection  of  all  officials,  industry  prior  to  each  election  would 
suffer    wholesale    demoralization.     Moreover,    a    citizenship    thai 


SHORT   BALLOT  \^ 

devotes  itself  primarily  to  earning  a  livelihood,  caring  for  a 
family  and  going  to  bed  o'  nights  is  seeing  things  in  reasonably 
true  perspective  when  it  ''hasn't  time"  to  go  downtown  on  a  rainy 
evening  to  argue  regarding  the  nomination  of  Jones  for  county 
clerk.  And,  finally,  whether  it  ought  or  oughtn't,  it  won't.  So 
that  settles  it.  Human  nature  has  not  changed  perceptibly  since 
Adam,  and  a  plan  of  government  that  involves  radical  alteration 
in  the  consciences  of  fifteen  or  twenty  million  citizens  will  wait 
forever  for  its  intended  consummation.  To  berate  the  electorate 
for  indifference  when  it  fails  to  fulfill  this  or  that  set  of  demands 
is  as  useless  and  unscientific  as  berating  a  horse  for  failing  to 
grow  a  square  neck  to  fit  a  new-style  square  collar.  And  as  /" 
we  can't  induce  the  electorate  to  change  its  nature  to  fit  the 
present  government,  we  must  reshape  the  government  to  fit  the 
electorate,  with  absolute  deference  to  all  the  latter's  frailties. 

Every  other  democratic  nation  does  it.  Consider,  for  instance, 
the  well-known  success  of  the  English  cities.  Year  in,  year  out, 
without  reform  spasms  or  "civic  awakenings,"  these  cities 
consistently  elect  their  ablest  men.  to  office.  A  glance  at  an  Eng- 
lish ballot  explains  it.  The  English  citizen  goes  to  the  polls 
and  records  his  choice  for  member  of  the  common  council  from 
his  ward.  The  council  will  elect  the  mayor,  the  aldermen,  and 
everybody  else  in  the  municipalitj- — the  voter  has  only  to  fill 
that  one  office.  The  debate  between  the  candidates  at  such 
tim.es  is  carried  on  with  the  utmost  fierceness.  The  dead  walls 
are  placarded  with  election  posters  to  the  temporary  exclusion 
of  other  advertising.  Both  the  candidates  will  make  what  are 
known  in  this  country  as  "whirlwind  campaigns"  within  the 
limit  of  their  little  wards.  There  is  ample  opportunity  for  both 
candidates  to  get  their  opinions  and  arguments  to  every  voter, 
and  the  voter  soon  knows  which  he  wants  as  clearly  as  an 
American  voter  does  in  choosing  between  the  two  candidates 
for  president.  Conspicuous  merit  becomes  a  vital  asset  to  the 
candidate  when  the  voters'  examination  is  so  minutely  searching. 
There  are  no  party  machines,  no  tickets,  no  politicians,  in  our 
American  sense  of  the  words.  The  candidate  simply  gets  him- 
self nominated  \>y  petition  and  goes  after  the  votes.  He  has  no 
one  to  thank  for  his  election  but  the  people,  with  whom  he  con- 
ducts his  negotiations  direct.  He  does  not  need  to  persuade  a 
boss  to  tie  him  up  in  a  bunch,  for  there  are  no  other  stalks  to 
make   up   a  bunch   with.     A  professional  politician  would   find 


i8  SHORT   BALLOT 

nothing  to  be  professional  in,  for  every  citizen  is  as  complete  an 
expert  in  politics  as  he. 

The  Short  Ballot  in  Galveston 

A  similar  condition  obtains  in  every  other  foreign  democracy 
and  results  in  a  correspondingly  higher  moral  standard  of  gov- 
ernment without  the  aid  or  interference  of  machines.  In  the 
United  States,  on  the  contrary,  the  long  ballot  is  universal, 
with  one  new  bright  and  widening  rift  in  the  clouds.  The  city 
of  Galveston,  in  1900,  adopted  a  plan  of  government  by  a  com- 
mission of  five  as  an  emergency  measure  to  get  quick  municipal 
action.  Unwittingly,  I  think,  it  stumbled  into  a  short  ballot  and 
proceeded  to  reap  the  advantages  of  it.  This  commission  has, 
without  scandal,  carried  through  tremendous  public  improve- 
ments— raising  the  ground  level  to  prevent  another  flood — and 
at  the  same  time  has  reduced  the  public  debt  and  the  tax  rate. 
That  is  good  administration.  More  than  that,  it  gets  re-elected 
by  overwhelming  majorities  and  has  not  been  in  peril  at  any 
election.  The  "old  crowd"  that  misgoverned  this  city  for  years 
holds  only  twenty  per  cent  of  the  vote  now,  and  concedes  without 
contest  the  re-election  of  three  of  the  five  good  commissioners. 
And  the  total  campaign  expenses  of  electing  the  right  men  are 
only  three  hundred  and  fifty  dollars. 

It  has  been  widely  said  that  this  was  the  fruit  of  correct 
organization  analogous  to  a  business  corporation  with  its  boara 
of  directors.  But  there  are  many  other  elected  commissions 
and  boards  in  the  United  States — county  commissions,  boards  of 
education,  trustees  of  the  sanitary  district,  boards  of  assessors, 
and  they  are  not  conspicuously  siuccessful.  In  fact,  such  organi- 
zation often  serves  to  scatter  responsibility  and  shelter  corrup- 
tion. 

Galveston's  plan,  in  fact,  was  far  from  ideal,  but  it  had  one 
overwhelming  merit — that  it  concentrated  the  attention  of  the 
voters  sharply  upon  candidates  for  only  five  offices,  all  important 
enough  to  warrant  such  attention.  The  press  could  give  ade- 
quate space  to  every  one ;  in  consequence  every  intelligent  voter 
in  his  easy  chair  at  home  formed  opinions  on  the  whole  ti\v 
and  had  a  definite  notion  of  the  personality  of  every  candidate 
In  such  a  situation  the  ward  politician  had  no  function.  There 
■was  no  ignorant  laissez-faire,  no  mesh  of  detail  for  him  to  trade 
upon.     He  became  no  more  powerful  than  any  other  citizen,  and 


SHORT   BALLOT  19 

his  only  strength  lay  in  whatever  genuine  leadership  he  pos- 
sessed. Moreover,  if  he  nominated  men  who  could  stand  the 
fierce  limelight  and  get  elected,  they  would,  ipso  facto,  probably 
be  men  who  would  resist  his  attempt  to  control  them  after- 
ward. Or  if  they  did  cater  to  him  it  would  be  diflficult  to  do 
his  bidding  right  in  the  concentrated  glare  of  publicity,  where 
the  responsibility  could  be  and,  what  is  much  more  vital,  would 
be  correctly  placed  by  every  voter.  x\nd  so  the  profession  of 
politics  went  out  of  existence  in  Galveston,  and  the  ward  poli- 
tician, who  had  misgoverned  the  city  for  generations,  went 
snarling  away  to  play  wath  county  and  state  offices. 

Fifty  cities  have  copied  the  Galveston  plan.  Des  Moines 
improved  it  by  making  the  ballot  non-partisan,  because  a  voter 
can  recognize  and  select  the  five  names  for  himself  w'ithout  the 
help  of  a  party  label.  The  bunches  of  candidates  are  thus 
definitely  abolished,  and  the  influence  of  the  bunch-maker  over 
the  official  vanishes. 

Boston  is  the  first  major  city  to  reach  a  Short  Ballot  basis. 
The  plan  creates  a  council  of  nine  members  elected  at  large, 
three  at  a  time,  and  a  mayor,  all  on  a  non-partisan  ballot.  There 
is  also  a  small  elective  school  committee.  After  the  first  year 
the  maximum  number  of  offices  filled  at  one  election  is  six,  the 
minimum  four. 

The  Colorado  Springs  Plan 

And,  finally,  take  ofif  your  hat  to  Colorado  Springs,  for  that 
hustling  little  city  has  gone  them  all  one  better.  Her  new  com- 
mission rotates,  so  that  two  members  are  elected  at  one  election 
and  the  three'  others  at  the  next.  This  is  the  shortest  ballot  in 
the  country.  It  is  non-partisan,  of  course.  What  a  joke  it 
would  be  for  politicians  to  tie  together  two  nominees  and  try 
to  inspire  loyalty  for  this  on  the  ground  that  it  was  a  straight 
ticket!  And  each  candidate  must  file  an  affidavit  swearing  that 
he  represents  no  political  party  or  organization — just  himself 
and  his  prospective  constituents.  Not  content  with  making  the 
machine  unnecessary,  they  have  made  it  illegal ! 

The  charter  permits  municipal  ownership  and  operation  of 
public  utilities — street  railways  or  lighting  systems,  for  instance 
— a  power  we  don't  dare  intrust  to  the  authorities  in  other  cities. 
But  in  Colorado  Springs  the  people  have  a  form  of  government 
so  simple  that  they  can  watch  it  and  understand  it  and  control 


20  SHORT   BALLOT 

it.  No  rascal  can  sneak  into  power  through  the  blaze  of  scrutiny 
that  they  can,  and  surely  will,  center  on  him  at  election  time. 
Light  is  as  necessary  and  as  salutary  in  politics  as  in  hygiene. 

Victory  in  cities,  however,  is  not  enough ;  the  county  and 
the  state  remain.  In  Te.xas,  for  instance,  the  people  have 
recovered  all  the  cities  from  the  grasp  of  the  politicians  and  put 
them  on  the  Short  Ballot  basis,  through  government  by  com- 
missions of  five,  but  the  professional  politicians  thrive  yet. 
There  is  some  talk  of  chasing  them  out  of  the  state  by  putting 
the  whole  state  government  into  the  hands  of  a  similar  small 
commission.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  movement  will  fail, 
and  that  the  short  ballot  will  be  obtained  by  shortening  the 
list  of  elective  offices  simply  to  the  legislature  and  governor, 
the  latter  to  appoint  his  own  cabinet  and  all  other  administra- 
tive and  judicial  officers,  just  as  the  president  of  the  United 
States  appoints  his. 

Oregon  has  grasped  the  principle,  and  the  same  forces  that 
installed  the  initiative  and  recall  are  at  work  to  centralize 
authority  and  lengthen  terms  so  that,  instead  of  choosing,  a 
maximum  of  thirty-nine  officials  at  one  election,  the  individual 
elector  will  choose  only  from  five  to  eight. 

Oh,  yes,  I  heard  that  observation  from  over  there  in  the 
corner  and  I  was  expecting  it.  You  asked:  "Isn't  it  danger- 
ously near  to  autocracy  to  centralize  the  government  so  that  the 
voter  chooses  only  two  or  three  men  at  a  time  ?"  No ;  on  the 
contrary,  it  is  ideally  democratic.  Carrying  out  this  principle  is 
the  only  practical  way  that  the  big,  clumsy  electorate  can  rule. 
It  is,  therefore,  the  only  plan  that  is  democratic ! 

The  more  elalx)rate  and  complex  you  make  pt)litics  the  fewer 
the  people  who  can  afford  the  time  and  energy  to  take  part. 
Much  electing,  therefore,  leads  toward  oligarchy — the  rule  of 
the  few. 

The  simpler  you  make  politics  the  more  easily  and  the  more 
surely  will  the  whole  people  take  part.  Simplification,  therefore, 
leads  toward  the  rule  of  the  many — democracy. 

Universities  are  now  teaching  tiie  new  definition  of  democ- 
racy, and  the  old  error,  that  making  officials  elective  is  enough 
to  make  them  responsible  to  tlie  people,  will  die.  Some  day 
we  shall  see  the  people  of  a  whole  state  in  control  of  their 
govenmient,  using  short  ballots  for  county  and  state  elections 
as  well  as  municij)al,  voting  for  men  instead  of  labels,  and  regis- 


SHORT   BALLOT  21 

tering  complete  and  definite  individual  opinions  with  practically 
es'ery  paper  that  drops  into  the  ballot-hoxes.  Notice  that,  in  this 
situation,  the  citizens  are  all  complete  politicians,  doing  all  that 
is  asked  of  them — since  less  is  asked.  The  electorate  has  not 
gone  into  politics,  but  politics  has  come  to  the  electorate.  Of- 
ficials will  no  longer  be  in  debt,  politically,  to  some  politician 
for  cording  them  up  into  his  precious  ticket-bunches.  The 
officials  will  negotiate  directly  with  the  people  for  their  election 
and  seek  for  the  applause  of  the  people — their  only  masters — 
in  the  conduct  of  their  offices. 

In  the  long  run  efficient  and  clean  administration  will  be  the 
normal  resultant  of  that  new  balance  of  forces.  For  the  Ameri- 
can people — you  and  I — do  want  good  government.  And  we 
shall  have  it  yet ! 


Outlook.     92:635-9.     July  17,  1909 

Short  Ballot;   a  Movement  to   Simplify   Politicsi. 
Richard  S.  Childs 

Do  you  know  that  ours  is  the  only  habitually  misgoverned 
democracy?  Other  democracies,  Canada  and  the  English, 
French,  and  German  cities,  are  generally  well  governed,  many 
of  them  splendidly  governed.  Their  councils  and  legislatures 
stay  clean  automatically,  without  need  for  public  uprisings  to 
clean  them  out.  True,  they  sometimes  suffer  from  graft,  but 
it  is  local,  haphazard,  and  unorganized,  like  graft  in  business 
life.  But  with  us  misgovernment  is  universal  and  ever  present. 
Every  state  and  every  city  is  constantly  at  war  with  it.  The 
brand-new  city  of  Gary  begins  to  grapple  with  it  as  soon  as 
there  is  an  election.  And  the  success  of  the  forces  of  right- 
eousness is  always  temporary,  like  sweeping  back  flooding  water 
with  a  broom.  We  say  truly,  "A  reform  administration  is 
never  re-elected."  Good  administration  is  actually  abnormal  in 
American  cities  and  states.     Maladministration  is  the  normal. 

This  condition,  unique  among  democracies,  indicates  the  ex- 
istence of  some  peculiarity  in  our  system  of  government  as  the 
underlying  cause. 

Starting  at  the  broad  base  of  our  structure,  the  voters,  we 
notice  one  unique  phenomenon  which  is   so  familiar  to  us  that 


22  SHORT   BALLOT 

we  usually  overlook  it  entirely — that  is,  our  habit  of  voting 
blindly.  Of  course,  intelligent  citizens  do  not  vote  without 
knowing  what  they  are  doing.  Oh,  no!  You,  Mr.  Reader,  for 
instance,  you  vote  intelligently  always!  Of  course  you  do!  But 
for  whom  did  you  vote  for  surrogate  last  time?  You  don't 
know?  Well,  then,  whom  did  you  support  for  state  auditor? 
For  state  treasurer?  For  clerk  of  the  court?  For  supreme  court 
judge?  And  who  is  your  alderman?  Who  represents  your  dis- 
trict at  the  state  capitol?  Name,  please,  all  the  candidates  you 
voted  for  at  the  last  election.  Of  course  you  know  the  president 
and  the  governor  and  the  mayor,  but  there  was  a  long  list  of 
minor  officers  besides.  Unless  you  are  active  in  politics  I  fear 
you  flunk  this  examination.  If  ynur  ballot  had  by  a  printer's  error 
omitted  the  "state  comptroller"  entirely,  you  would  probably 
not  have  missed  it.  You  ignored  nine-tenths  of  your  ballot, 
voting  for  those  you  did  know  about  and  casting  a  straight  party 
ticket  for  the  rest,  not  because  of  party  loyalty,  but  because  you 
did  not  know  of  anything  better  to  do.  You  need  not  feel 
ashamed  of  it.  Your  neighbors  all  did  the  same ;  viy  neighbors 
did  (observe  the  little  census  reproduced  here!).  Ex- President 
Eliot,  of  Harvard,  the  "ideal  citizen,''  confessed  in  a  public 
address  recently  that  he  did  it  too.  Philadelphia  has  even  elected 
imaginary  men.  It  is  a  typical  and  universal  .American  attitude. 
We  all  vote  blindly.  The  intelligence  of  the  community  is  not 
at  work  on  any  of  the  minor  offices  on  the  ballot.  The  average 
American  citizen  never  casts  a  completely  intelligent  vote. 

CONFIDENTIAL  CENSUS.' 
Do  you  know  the  name  of  the  new  state  treasurer  just  elected ?.87'7r  said  No 

Do  you  know  the  name  of  the  present  state  treasurer? 75^1:  said  No 

Do  you  know  the  name  of  the   new  state  assemblyman  for  this 

district? 7o'7r  -said  No 

Do  you  know  the  name  of  the  defeated  candidate  for  assembly- 
man in  this  district? So^t  said  No 

Do  you  know  the  name  of  the  surrogate  of  this  county? 6s';t  said  No 

Do   you  know  the  name  of  your  alderman? SsTr  siaid  No 

Do    you    know    whether   your    alderman   was    one   of   those   who 

voted  against  the  increas^in  the  police  force  last  year? 98%  said  No 

Are  you  in   active  politics? pb^fc  said  No 

This  is  not  all  the  fault  of  tlic  voter.      To  cast  a  really  intel- 
ligent ballot  from  a  mere  study  of  newspapers,  campaign  iitera- 

'  The    intelligence    (?)    of    the    vote    in    the    most    independent    assembly 
di&trict  in   Brooklyn.     Data  collected  immediately  after  election,    1908. 


SHORT   BALLOT  23 

Uire  and  speeches  is  impossible,  because  practically  nothing  is 
e\er  published  about  the  minor  candidates. 

The  gossip  around  the  local  headquarters  being  too  one-sided 
to  be  trusted  by  a  casual  inquirer,  a  deep  working  personal 
acquaintance  with  politics,  involving  years  of  experience  and 
study,  becomes  necessary  before  a  voter  who  wants  to  cast  a 
wholly  intelligent  ballot  can  obtain  the  facts. 

This  is  not  the  fault  of  the  press.  Li  New  York  City  the 
number  of  elective  offices  in  state,  city,  and  county  to  be  filled 
by  popular  vote  in  a  cycle  of  four  years  is  nearly  five  hundred. 
In  Chicago  the  number  is  still  greater.  Philadelphia,  although 
smaller  than  either  city,  elects  more  people  than  either.  No 
newspaper  can  give  publicity  to  so  many  candidates  or  examine 
properly  into*their  relative  merits. 

Plainly  the  voter  is  overburdened  with  more  questions  than 
he  will  answer  carefully,  for  it  is  certain  that  the  average  citizei^ 
cannot  afford  the  time  to  fulfill  the  unreasonable  requirements 
that  are  now  essential  to  intelligent  voting.  The  voters  at  the 
polls  are  the  foundation  of  a  democracy,  and  the  universal  and 
incurable  habit  of  voting  blindly  constitutes  a  huge  break  in 
that  foundation  which  is  serious  enough  to  account  for  the 
topphng  of  the  whole  structure. 

Let  us  see,  then,  if  we  can  trace  Out  a  connection  between 
blind  voting  as  a  cause  and  misgovernment  as  the  effect. 

No  one  will  deny  that  if  nine-tenths  of  the  citizens  refrained 
from  voting  on  election  day,  the  remaining  tenth  would  govern 
all.  And  when  practically  all  vote  in  nine-tenths  ignorance  and 
indifference,  about  the  same  delegation  of  power  occurs.  A 
remaining  fraction  who  do  give  enough  time  to  the  subject  to 
cast  an  intelligent  ballot  take  control.  That  fraction  we  call 
"politicians"  in  our  unique  American  sense  of  the  word.  A 
politician  is  a  "political  specialist."  He  is  one  who  knows  more 
about  the  voter's  political  business  than  the  voter  does.  He 
knows,  for  instance,  that  the  coroner's  term  will  expire  in  No- 
vember, and  he  contributes  toward  the  discussion  involved  in 
nominating  a  successor,  whereas  the  voter  hardly  knows  a 
coroner  is  being  elected.  These  politicians  come  from  all  classes, 
and  the  higher  intelligence  of  the  community  contributes  its  full 
quota.  Although  they  are  only  a  fraction  of  the  electorate,  they 
are  a  fair  average  selection,  and  they  would  give  us  exactly  the 
kind  of  government  we  all  want,  if  only  they  could  remain  free 


24  SHORT   BALLOT 

and  independent  personal  units.  But  the  impulse  to  organize  is 
irresistible.  Convenience  and  efficiency  require  it,  and  the  "or- 
ganization" springs  up  and  cements  them  together.  Good  men 
who  see  the  organization  go  wrong  on  a  nomination  continue  to 
stay  in  and  to  lend  their  strength,  not  bolting  until  moral  con- 
ditions become  intolerable.  Were  these  men  not  bound  by  an 
organization  with  its  social  and  other  non-political  ties,  their 
revolt  would  be  early,  easy,  and  effective,  and  every  bad  nomi- 
nation would  receive  its  separate  and  proportionate  punishment 
in  the  alienation  of  supporters. 

The  control  of  such  active  political  organizations  will  gravi- 
tate always  toward  a  low  level.  The  doors  must  be  open  to  every 
voter — examination  of  his  civic  spirit  is  impossible — and  greed 
and  altruism  enter  together.  Greed  has  most  to  gain  in  a  fac- 
tional dispute,  and  is  least  scrupulous  in  choice  of  methods. 
The  bad  politician  carries  more  weapons  than  the  politician 
who  hampers  himself  with  a  code  of  ethics  one  degree  higher. 
Consequently  corruption  finally  dominates  any  machine  that  is 
worth  dominating,  and  sinks  it  lower  and  lower  as  worse  men 
displace  better,  until  the  limit  of  public  toleration  is  reached  and 
the  machine  receives  a  setback  at  election.  That  causes  its 
members  to  clean  up,  discredit  the  men  who  went  too  far,  and 
restore  a  standard  high  enough  to  win — which  standard  imme- 
diately begins  to  sag  again,  by  the  operation  of  the  same  natural 
principle. 

Reformers  in  a  near-sighted  way  are  constantly  endeavoring 
to  maintain  pure  political  organizations  and  re-elect  reform 
administrations.  Suppose,  however,  that  the  Citizens'  I'nion  of 
New  York,  which  is  at  present  sincerely  bent  on  improving  the 
condition  of  politics,  should  succeed  in  carrying  the  city  for  its 
tickets  several  times  in  succession.  After  the  first  election,  small 
political  organizations  which  had  aided  toward  the  victory  would 
rush  in,  clamoring  for  their  share  of  the  plunder.  For  a  temi 
or  two  the  reformers  might  be  able  to  resist  the  pressure. 
Nevertheless  the  possession  of  power  by  their  party  woulil  attract 
the  grafters ;'  they  would  find  themselves  accepting  assiistance 
from  men  who  were  in  politics  for  what  there  was  in  it,  men  who 
wanted  to  make  more  use  of  the  power  and  patronage  that  lay  at 
hand  unutilized ;   and  those  men  would  in  time,  working   within 

•  Mr.  Cutting,  the  fornu-r  lu'.ul  of  the  Union,  .Tnnoiniced  in  anticipation 
of  the  1909  municipal  election  that  the  Union  did  not  desire  a  big  enroll- 
ment,  on   account   of    the    inevitable   contaniinatiuii    it    involved. 


SHORT    BALLOT  25 

the  union,  depose  the  original  heads,  of  the  party  and  substitute 
"more  practical"  leaders,  until  in  time  the  Citizens'  Union  would 
itself  need  reforming.^ 

Theoretically  there  is  always  the  threat  of  the  minority  party 
which  stands  ready  to  take  advantage  of  every  lapse ;  but  as 
there  is  no  debate  between  minor  candidates,  no  adequate  public 
scrutiny  or  comparison  of  personalities,  the  minority  party  gets 
no  credit  for  a  superior  nomination,  and  often  finds  that  it  can 
more  hopefully  afford  to  cater  to  its  own  lowest  elements.  In 
fact,  it  may  be  only  the  dominant  party  which  can  venture  'to 
affront  the  lowest  elements  of  its  membership  and  nominate  the 
better  candidate. 

The  essence  of  our  complaint  against  our  government  is  that 
it  represents  these  easily  contaminated  political  organizations 
instead  of  the  citizens.  Naturally!  When  practically  none  but 
the  politicians  in  his  district  are  aware  of  his  actions  or  even 
of  his  existence,  the  office-holder  who  refuses  to  bow  to  their  will 
is  committing  political  suicide.    ^ 

Sometimes  the  interests  of  the  politician  and  the  people  are 
parallel,  but  sometimes  they  are  not,  and  the  ofiice-holder  is 
apt  to  diverge  along  the  path  of  politics.  An  appointment  is 
made,  partly  at  least,  to  strengthen  the  party,  since  the  appointee 
has  a  certain  following.  A  bill  is  considered,  not  on  its  simple 
merits,  but  on  the  issue,  "Who  is  behind  it?"  "If  it  is  Boss 
Smith,  of  Green  County,  that  wants  it,  whatever  his  reasons, 
we  must  placate  him  or  risk  disaffection  in  that  district."  So 
appointments  and  measures  lose  their  original  and  proper  sig- 
nificance and  become  mere  pawns  in  a  chess  game  of  politics 
which  aims  to  keep  "our  side"  on  top.  The  office-holders  them- 
selves may  be  upright,  bribe-proof  men — they  usually  are,  in 
fact.  But  their  failure  to  disregard  all  exigencies  of  party 
politics  constitutes!  misrepresentative  government,  and  Boss 
Smith,  of  Green  County,  can  privately  sell  his  influence  if  he 
chooses,  whereby  the  public  is  in  the  end  a  heavy  sufferer. 

By  the  way,  every  factor  in  this  sequence  is  a  unique  Ameri- 
can phenomenon !  The  long  ballot  with  its  variegated  list  of 
trivial  oflSces  is  to  be  seen  nowhere  but  in  the  United  States. 
The  English  ballot  never  covers  more  than  three  offices,  usually 
only  one.     In  Canada  the  ballot  is  less  commonly  limited  to  a 

1  This  was  exactly  what  happened  to  Tammany  Hall,  which  w^s  clean 
at  the  beginning. 


26  SHORT   BALLOT 

single  office,  but  the  number  is  never  large,  and  includes  only 
offices  that  are  of  such  importance  as  to  attract  close  scrutiny  by 
the  public.  To  any  Englishman  or  Canadian  our  long  ballot  i^ 
astonishing  and  our  blind  voting  appalling.  The  politicians  as 
a  professional  class,  separate  from  popular  leaders  or  office- 
holders, are  unknown  in  other  landsi,  and  the  very  word  "poli- 
tician" has  a  special  meaning  of  reproach  in  this  country  whicli 
foreigners  do  not  attach  to  it.  And  government  of  a  democracy 
from  behind  the  scenes  by  politicians,  in  endless  opposition  ti.) 
government  by  public  opinion,  is  the  final  unique  American 
phenomenon  in  the  long  ballot's  train  of  consequences. 

The  blind  vote  of  course  doesi  not  take  in  the  whole  ballot. 
Certain  conspicuous  offices  engage  the  attention  of  all  of  us. 
We  go  to  hear  the  speeches  of  the  candidates  for  conspicuous 
offices;  those  speeches  are  printed  in  the  daily  papers  and  re- 
viewed in  the  weeklies ;  the  candidatesi  are  the  theme  of  editorials 
and  we  need  take  no  part  in  politics  to  be  able  to  vote  with 
knowledge  on  certain  important  issues.  We  would  laugh  at  an 
attempt  to  control  our  vote  on  any  of  these  questions  where  wc 
have  opinions  of  our  own.  With  this  independent  intelligence 
always  at  work  upon  the  major  nominations,  we  secure  a  higher 
normal  level  of  conditions.  Aldermen  we  elect  who  do  not 
represent  us,  and  state  legislatures  which  obey  the  influences 
of  unseen  powers,  but  we  are  apt  to  speak  effectively  when  it 
comes  to  the  choice  of  a  conspicuous  officer  like  a  president,  a 
governor,  or  a  mayor.  For  mayor,  governor,  or  president  we 
are  sure  to  secure  a  presentable  figure,  always  honest  and  fre- 
quently an  able  and  independent  champion  of  the  people  against 
the  very  political  interests  that  nominated  him.  We  are  apt  to 
re-elect  such  men,  and  the  way  we  sweep  aside  hostile  politicians 
where  the  issue  is  clear  shows  how  powerfully  the  tide  of  our 
American  spirit  sets  toward  good  government  when  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  community  finds  a  channel — witness  Roos«velt, 
Taft,  Hughes,  Deneen,  Folk,  and  a  host  of  mayors. 

Sometimes  there  is  rank  misgovernment  in  a  conspicuous 
office,  as  when  Van  Wyck  ruled  New  York  City.  But,  as  is 
rather  usual  at  such  times,  a  reform  wave  followed,  and  his  party 
was  punished  by  a  defeat  at  the  polls.  Since  then  Tannnany 
has  tem])orarily  conceded  the  conspicuous  offices  to  the  pcopU\ 
nominating  thereto  men  of  independent  character,  and  even 
accepting  two  who  had  already  been  nominated  by  the  reformers. 


SHORT   BALLOT  27 

It  has  been  content  with  graft  from  borough  presidents,  the 
aldermen,  and  its  friends  in  the  lower  grades  of  the  depart- 
ments. 

Misgovernnient  is  secure  only  in  the  minor  offices,  in  the 
shadowy  places  where  the  spot-light  of  publicity  rarely  wanders. 
When  the  rats  venture  out  of  these  obscurities  into  the  blazing 
light,  it  is  to  nibble  the  cake  cautiously,  and  always  with  timid 
eyes  upon  that  dread  giant,  the  public,  ready  to  scamper  if  he 
stirs.  If,  growing  confident  from  long  immunity,  they  become 
too  bold  and  noisy,  punishment,  clumsy  but  heavy,  suddenly 
swoops  upon  them. 

And  so  in  those  conspicuousi  offices — those  on  which  we  do 
)iot  vote  blindly — we  secure  fairly  good  government  as  a  normal 
condition,  considering  that  the  organized  and  skillful  opposition 
which  always  faces  us  occupi^  a  position  of  great  strategic 
advantage  in  po&session  of  the  nominating  machinery'. 

To  reduce  this  idea  to  a  working  rule : 

In  an  obscure  contest  on  the  blind  end  of  the  ballot,  merit  has 
little  political  value;  but  in  the  conspicuous  contests,  where  we 
actually  compare  man  and  man,  superior  merit  in  a  nominee  is 
a  definite  political  asset.  Hence,  in  the  case  of  an  obscure  nomi- 
nation, the  tendency  isi  automatically  downward ;  but  in  a  con- 
spicuous nomination  (where  all  the  voting  is  intelligent)  the 
tendency  is  upward. 

We  cannot  hope  to  raise  the  political  intelligence  of  our 
citizenship  to  a  level  where  it  -will  scrutinize  the  long  ballot  and 
cease  to  vote  blindly  on  most  of  it.  The  mountain  will  not 
come  to  Mahomet;  Mahomet  then  must  go  to  the  mountain.  We 
must  shorten  the  ballot  to  a  point  where  the  average  man  will 
vote  intelligently  without  giving  to  politics  more  attention  than 
he  doesi  at  present.  That  means  making  it  very  short,  for  if 
it  exceeds  by  even  a  little  the  retentive  capacity  of  the  average 
voter's  memory,  the  "political  specialist"  is  created.  A  voter 
could  remember  the  relative  merits  of  probably  about  five  sets  of 
candidates,  and  could  keep  that  many  separate  contests  clear  in 
his  mind,  but  he  would  probably  begin  to  vote  blindly  on  more 
than  five.  Also  we  must  take  all  unimportant  offices  off  the 
ballot,  siince  the  electorate  will  not  bother  with  such  trifles 
whether  the  ballot  be  short  or  not.  Why,  indeed,  should  fifty 
thousand  voters  all  be  asked  to  pause  for  even  a  few  minutes 
apiece   to   study  the   relative   qualifications   of    Smith   and  Jones 


28  SHORT   BALLOT 

for  the  petty  post   of  county    surveyor?     An   intelligent   citizen 
may  properly  have  bigger  business ! 

To  be  pictorial,  let  us  see  how  a  revised  schedule  of  elections 
might  look  if  we  put  into  the  realm  of  appointive  offices  as  many 
as  possible  of  those  which  we  now  ignore.  All  county  offices, 
many  city  positions,  and  the  tail  of  the  state  ticket  would  thus 
be  disposed  of,  and  the  ballots  might  look  somcwliat  like  this 
(New  York  state  titles)  : 

First  Year.  Second  Year.  Third  Year.  Fourth  Year. 

President  and  Governor  Congressman  State  Senator 

Vice-President  (four  years)  (two  years)  (four  years) 

(four  years) 
Congressman  State  Assemblyman  Mayor  State  Assemblyman 

(two  years)  (two  years)  (four  years)  (two  years) 

City  Councilman  City  Councilman 

(two  years)  (two  years) 

This  is  merely  organizing  the  state  and  city  as  simply  as  the 
federal  government.  There  is  endless  room  for  discussion  on 
the  details,  and  many  other  arrangements  could  be  devised. 
This  schedule  provides  for  every  office  which  must  be  kept  within 
the  realm  of  politics.  It  provides  short  ballots  which  every  man 
would  vote  intelligently  without  calling  on  a  political  specialist 
to  come  and  guide  hisi  pencil. 

On  such  a  Short  Ballot  basis  tlie  entry  of  our  best  men  into 
public  life  becomes  possible.  To-day  the  retired  business  man, 
for  instance,  who  is  willing  to  devote  his  trained  mind  and 
proven  executive  ability  to  the  service  of  his  city  finds  it  difficult 
to  enter  public  life  even  as  a  humble  alderman.  He  cannot  win 
as  an  independent,  for  the  voters  do  not  distinguish  his  voice 
in  the  political  hubbub.  He  must  get  his  name  on  the  ticket  of 
tiic  dominant  party,  which  can  elect  him  regardless  of  whether 
he  makes  a  fierce  campaign  or  remains  silent  on  every  issue. 
In  seeking  this  nomination,  direct  primaries  will  help  him  a 
little,  but  in  the  confusion  attending  the  making  of  nominations 
for  a  multitude  of  oftices  he  is  again  unable  to  attract  nnich 
attention,  and  the  "machine,"  swinging  its  solid  blocks  of  well- 
drilled  voters  to  tile  support  of  some  loyal  old-time  pillar  of 
the  "organization,"  is  likely  to  defeat  him  despite  iiis  nianife.sit 
superiority  of  character.  His  only  hopeful  resort  is  to  go  down 
into  the  unfamiliar  and  luicongenial  shaded  underworld  of  waril 
politics,  kowtow  to  district  leaders  and  captains  whose  social 
and  business  .standing  is  perhaps  inferior  to  his  own,  and  satisfy 
their  (lut'iics,  "What  have  you  done   for  the  party?"  and  "What 


SHORT   BALLOT  29 

will  you  do  for  us?"  Such  procedure  being  at  least  distasteful 
and  probably  stultifying,  his  activities  turn  toward  philanthropies 
and  recreations.  The  city  has  thus  refused  his  proffered  services, 
has  turned  away  the  man  who  considered  the  office  as  an  open- 
ing for  civic  usefulness  in  favor  of  one  who  probably  wanted  it 
as  a  good  job. 

But  if  he  be  conspicuous  as  an  important  and  almost  solitary 
figure  before  his  prospective  constituents,  such  a  candidate  can 
easily  get  a  satisfactory  hearing,  and  his  superior  merit  will  be 
an  all-important  asset  to  him.  In  siuch  a  simple  situation  the 
"ward  politician"  has  no  function.  Every  ordinary  voter  is  a 
complete  politician  too.  The  party  bosslet  who  prates  of  "regu- 
larity" will  find  the  voter  replying  with  facts  regarding  the 
personality  and  principles  of  the  candidate,  and  the  discussion 
shifts  to  a  new  level.  If  the  politician  can  win  over  the  voter 
on  that  level,  well  and  good.  That  is  leadership,  not  bossism, 
and  is  unobjectionable. 

After  such  an  election  this  conspicuousness  will  continue, 
encouraging  good  behavior  in  office.  The  legislator  will  fear 
public  indignation  because  his  constituents,  damning  a  measure, 
will  also  damn  him  specifically  for  hisi  part  in  it.  Likewise,  if 
deserving,  he  can  get  popular  support  over  the  heads  of  any 
political  coterie  whom  he  ventures  to  disobey. 

Good  government  is  entirely  a  matter  of  getting  the  right 
men  elected.  Nothing  else  is  so  vital.  No  city  charter  or  state 
constitution,  however  ingenious,  will  make  bad  men  give  good 
government  or  keep  good  men  from  getting  good  results. 

To  get  the  right  men  isi  first  of  all  a  matter  of  arranging  for 
the  maximum  amount  of  concentrated  public  scrutiny  at  the 
election.  It  is  not  superior  intelligence  in  the  British  electorate 
that  enables  it  uniformly  to  elect  the  best  men  in  town  to  the  city 
councils,  save  in  that  the  individual  voter  in  the  ward  selects 
only  a  single  officer  at  election,  and  can  hardly  fail  to  know 
just  what  he  is  doing.  Likewise  there  cannot  be  a  mysterious 
virtue  in  the  new  plan  of  governing  American  citiesi  by  small 
commisisions  (the  success  of  which  in  Galveston,  Houston,  and 
Des  Moines  is  undeniable)  save  in  that  the  importance  and  con- 
spicuousness of  the  five  commisisionerships  attract  so  fierce  a 
limelight  at  election  that  no  unworthy  figure  who  ventures  into 
that  blazing  circle  can  hope  to  conceal  his  unworthiness  from 
the  eyes  of  even  the  most  careless  voter. 


30  SHORT   BALLOT 

The  Galveston  plan  would  be  better  yet  if  the  commissioners 
were  elected  one  at  a  time  for  long  termsi  in  rotation.  Then 
public  scrutiny  at  election  would  focus  still  more  searchingly  on 
the  candidates,  and  merit  would  increase  still  further  in  value 
as  a  political  asset. 

We  must  manage  somehow  to  get  our  eggs  into  a  few  baski 
— the  baskets  that  we  watch  !  For  remember  that  we  are  : 
governed  by  public  opinion,  but  by  public  ofinioii  as  expresst! 
tluough  ilie  pencil  point  of  the  average  voter  in  his  election 
booth.  And  that  may  i)e  a  vastly  different  thing!  F*ublic  opininu 
can  only  work  in  broad  masses,  clumsily.  To  make  a  multitude 
of  delicate  decisions  is  beyond  its  coarse  powers.  It  can't  play 
the  tune  it  has  in  mind  upon  our  close-stringed  political  harp,  but 
give  it  a  broad  keyboard  simple  enough  for  its  huge  slow  hands, 
and  it  will  thump  out  the  right  notes  with  precision! 

There  is  nothing  the  matter  with  Americans.  We  are  by  far 
the  most  intelligent  electorate  in  the  world.  We  are  not  indif- 
ferent. We  do  want  good  government.  And  we  can  win  back 
our  final  freedom  on  a  "Short  Ballot"'  basis! 


Everybody's.     26:372-3.     March,  1912 
Wiiat  a  Uemocracy  Wuuld   Be  Like.     Richard  S.  Childs 

Would  you  know  a  democracy  if  you  met  one? 

Yes? 

How?     You've  probably  never  seen  one. 

Thought  you  lived  in  one?  Oh,  dear,  no!  The  states  and 
counties  and  cities  of  this  country  are  not  democracies;  they 
are  oligarchies — instances  of  government  by  a  ruling  class! 

We  call  this  ruling  clasis  the  "politicians."  All  citizens  by 
due  devotion  can  become  politicians,  but  the  bulk  of  them  don't; 
so  a  certain  remainder  is  left  in  control,  and,  whatever  it  might 
be  or  ought  to  be,  the  government  is — an  oligarchy.  The  fact 
that  it  was  intended  to  work  differently  is  a  mere  detail  of 
history.  If  in  its  actual  working  it  is  not  a  democracy,  it  is  not 
a  democracy. 

Now  we  could  make  it  a  democracy  and  prevent  a  self- 
established  crew  of  political  experts  from  ruling  us  "if  all  good 
citizens  would  go  into  politics."  But  if  they  don't,  what  will 
you  do? 


SHORT    BALLOT  31 

Preach  to  them?     Arouse  them? 

All  right.  But  what  if,  even  then,  their  normal  activity  and 
interest  prove  insufficient  to  make  them  the  equals  of  the  poli- 
ticians in  political  effectiveness?  What  if  the  politicians  can 
dance  circles  around  the  big,  clumsy  people  even  when  the  people 
are  aroused  ? 

Preach  harder?       No. 

Consider  that  there  is  nothing  divine  about  the  origin  of  the 
political  work  that  is  laid  out  for  the  citizens  to  do.  If  the 
citizens  neglect  some  of  that  work,  the  work  may  easily  be 
simplified  and  made  lighter.  There  is  surely  such  a  thing  as  a 
limit  to  the  amount  of  work  that  can  properly  be  demanded 
of  the  citizens,  and  perhaps  that  limit  has  been  exceeded.  Cer- 
tainly it  is  going  to  be  set  by  the  people  themselves,  regardless 
of  your  opinion,  or  mine,  •  or  the  opinion  of  the  ponderous  law- 
yers in  the  state  constitutional  convention  who  lay  out  work 
for  the  people. 

If  we  ask  the  people  to  give  their  thoughtful  attention  to  the 
selection  of  a  coroner  every  two  years,  the  people  may  graciously 
consent  to  bother,  and  they  may  not.  And  if  they  languidly  vote 
a  straight  party  ticket  without  even  looking  to  see  who  is  run- 
ning for  coroner,  thereby  letting  a  Republican  or  Democratic 
group  of  politicians  have  their  own  way,  the  people  have  silently 
notified  you  and  me  and  all  future  constitutional  conventions 
that,  for  some  reason  satisfactory  to  themselves,  they  decline  to 
assume  the  "duty"  of  selecting  coroners. 

And  that  settles  it.     What  the  people  say,  goes. 

Our  American  people  have  done  just  this.  They  have  said: 
"We  prefer  honest,  able  coroners,  but  we  w^on't  fight  to  get  them 
— we  have  more  important  things  to  do."  They  have  said :  "We 
want  good  officials,  but  when  we  have  to  elect  twenty  of  them 
at  once  we  won't  learn  all  about  all  of  them.  We'll  give  atten- 
tion to  the  most  interesting  and  important  ones,  but  for  the  rest 
we'll  vote  any  handy  list  fixed  up  for  us  by  the  specialists  in 
citizenship." 

And  the  people  are  right.  Offices  can  be  made  so  micro- 
scopically small  that  it  is  too  difficult  for  the  people  to  watch 
them  in  a  busy  world.  Ballots  can  be  made  so  long  that  no 
citizenship  in  Christendom  could  reasonably  be  expected  to 
master  them. 

So  there  has  arisen  in  America  the  new  "Short  Ballot"'  school 


32  SHORT   BALLOT 

of  reformers,  whose  slogan  is:  "The  long  ballot  is  the  poli- 
tician's ballot;  the  Short  Ballot  isi  the  people's  ballot."  The 
Short  Ballot  Organization  was  founded  two  years  ago  in  New 
York  by  Woodrow  Wilson,  and  it  has  been  creating  a  quiet 
revolution  in  civic  circles  ever  since.  Active  local  work  is  under 
way  in  Oregon,  California,  Ohio,  and  New  York. 

The  major  premise  of  this  new  school  is  that  the  people  are 
all  right — not  substantially  different  from  the  people  of  other 
lands — and  that  it  is  our  utterly  freakish  plan  of  government 
that  is  at  fault. 

For  our  plan  of  government  is  freakish.  Show  an  English- 
man, for  instance,  one  of  our  New  York  ballots  and  he  will 
exclaim  with  horror:  "Why,  you're  electing  twenty  officers  at 
one  time !  That's  absurd !  How  can  you  possibly  vote  intelli- 
gently for  so  many?" 

In  England  they  rarely  attempt  to  fill  even  two  elective 
offices  on  one  day. 

When  I  show  an  Ohio  ballot,  with  its  forty-si.x  offices  and 
two  hundred  candidates,  to  New  York  audiences,  it  always 
brings  a  roar  of  laughter.  Because  it  is  so  much  longer  than 
their  own,  it  seems  ridiculous,  and  they  readily  accept  the  doc- 
trine that  such  a  ballot  bafifles  popular  control  and  is  contrived 
for  eflfective  use  only  by  experts',  not  by  the  people.  But  the 
New  York  ballot  is  just  about  as  unusable  as  the  big  Ohio  ballot. 
It,  also,  contains  too  many  offices,  and  offices  that  are  too  small 
to  secure  natural  public  scrutiny. 

The  Englislmian  is  right,  and  hisi  simple  procedure  is  far 
more  democratic  tlian  our  complicated  machinery,  which  only  a 
few  of  the  people,  the  experts  in  citizenship,  can  operate.  The 
English  cities  are  complete  democracies..  There  are  a  king  and 
some  lords  in  England,  but  there  is  nothing  in  English  local 
governments  that  they  can  touch.  The  English  cities  have  more 
elective  offices  than  our  citiesi,  as  a  rule.  But  all  the  elective 
officers  sit  together  as  one  large  council  or  board  of  directors  and 
execute  their  decrees  through  their  own  appointees. 

They  are  usually  elected  three  from  each  ward  for  three- 
year  terms,  and  they  come  up  for  re-election  one  each  year.  And 
the  British  voter,  having  the  simple  task  of  choosing  one  man 
out  of  two  or  three  candidates  in  his  compact  ward,  doesi  his 
little  task  easily  and  well,  without  the  assistance  of  such  experts 
in  citizcnshi])  as  our  "ward  politicians."     In  other  democracies — 


i 


SHORT   BALLOT  33 

Switzerland,  New  Zealand — there  is  the  same  simplicity  and 
effectiveness. 

We  have  a  prejudice  in  this  country  against  ward-elected 
aldermen,  but  the  trouble  lies  in  the  pettiness  and  insignificance 
of  the  job  rather  than  the  pettiness  of  the  ward.  If  our  ward 
aldermen  were  the  "head  of  the  ticket,"  the  whole  ticket  in 
fact,  and  if  he  were  to  be  one  of  the  supreme  board  of  directors 
of  the  city,  we  busy  citizensi  w'ould  know  about  him  just  as  we 
know  about  the  mayor  now.  And,  like  the  mayor,  he  would 
be  a  clear  target  for  the  active  criticism  of  every  voter. 

Our  citizenship  could  operate  the  simple  English  Short  Ballot 
mechanism  with  one  hand,  and  with  eyes  shut,  and  make  as 
excellent  a  job  of  self-government  as  the  Englishman  does. 
Our  relative  success  with  commission  government  proves  this. 
Given  the  task  of  selecting  and  dominating  five  conspicuous 
officials  instead  of  a  raft  of  obscure  and  irresponsible  ones, 
American  citizens  have  been  getting  results.  Commission  gov- 
ernment is  far  from  a  perfect  plan,  and  it  only  marks  a  tran- 
sition toward  better  things,  but  it  has  that  vital  Short  Ballot 
and  is  accordingly  the  first  instance  of  practical  democratic 
government  we  have  had  in  our  cities  for  half  a  century.  The 
commission  government  cities,  or  "Short  Ballot  cities,"  as 
political  scientists  term  them,  provide  an  election  schedule  which 
asks  of  the  people  no  more  work  than  they  are  willing  to  per- 
form. And  behold — we  suddenly  have  a  people  who  don't  need 
a  "civic  awakening." 

Our  national  government  has  a  Short  Ballot — only  three  men 
to  be  selected  by  any  one  citizen.  The  same  unification  and  sim- 
plicity in  states  and  countiesu  would  mow  down  a  whole  jungle 
of  obscurity  and  confusion  wherein  much  graft  finds  shelter. 

All  the  complex  devices  by  which  we  try  to  control  our 
unhandy  governments — caucuses,  political  clubs,  committees,  pri- 
maries, conventions,  machines,  and  bosses — are  necessitated  by 
the  fact  that  our  ballots  are  too  long.  The  ballot  on  election- 
day  is  an  ample  remedy  for  everything  if  it's  a  usable  kind  of 
ballot !  The  way  to  keep  the  wrong  men  out  of  control  is  to 
refrain  from  electing  them.  The  way  to  refrain  from  electing 
them  is  to  have  a  Short  Ballot  with  every  elective  office  so  con- 
spicuously important  that  we  can't  help  getting  a  good  unob- 
scured  look  at  every  candidate  before  we  vote  for  him. 

And  that  is  the  road  to  a  democracy  that  will  "democ." 


34  SHORT    BALLOT 

Academy  of   Political  Science.     Proceedings.     5:  7-19. 
October,  1914 

Constitution    and    Public    Opinion.     Frederic    C.    Howe 

Is  it  possible  to  formulate  principles  in  the  framing  of  a 
constitution,  in  the  planning  of  the  political  machinery  of  a 
people?  Is  it  possible  to  lay  down  axioms  of  politics,  like  those 
which  Adam  $mith  enunciated  for  taxation?  And  if  such 
axioms  may  be  formulated,  are  those  upon  which  we  have  been 
operating  for  a  century  the  correct  ones?  Should  public  opinion 
be  compelled  to  square  itself  with  the  opinions  and  phrases  of 
generations!  long  since  dead ;  should  the  opinion  of  today  be 
called  upon  to  convince  in  turn  varying  groups  of  elective  of- 
ficials and  appointive  ones  as  well?  Should  every  presumption 
be  against  change,  and  in  favor  of  the  status  quo?  Should  the 
common  business  of  all  of  us  be  conducted  on  the  principle  of 
inaction,  and  the  private  business  of  each  of  us^  be  granted  a 
liberty  of  action  close  to  license?  For  the  principle  underlying 
American  industrial  life  is  freedom, — the  greatest  possible  free- 
dom to  organize,  to  act,  to, play,  not  only  with  property,  but 
with  the  destinies  of  the  community  as  well. 

I  believe  there  are  axioms  of  politics  as  fundamental  as 
those  of  taxation,  as  fundamental  as  those  of  private  business. 
Among  those  axioms,  I  should  include  the  following : 

1.  Politics  should  be  simple  and  easily  understood  by  all. 
Issues  should  be  free  from  confusion.  There  should  be  a  direct 
line  of  vision  between  the  voter  and  the  end  desiired,  and  a 
means  for  the  immediate  execution  of  the  common  will,  once  it 
is  declared  at  the  polls. 

2.  The  relation  of  the  voter  to  the  government  should  be  as 
direct  as  possible.  There  should  be  the  fewest  possible  inter- 
mediaries, such  as  electoral  colleges,  delegates,  conventions,  and 
caucuses  between  the  citizen  and  his  servant. 

3.  Government  should  be  responsive  on  the  one  hand  and 
responsible  on  the  other, — not  to  the  past,  not  to  political  parties, 
not  to  interests,  but  to  people. 

4.  The  machinery  of  legislation  and  administration  should 
be  equally  simple,  direct  and  final  in  its  action.  Once  the  public 
will  express  itself,  it  should  be  registered  into  law, 


SHORT   BALLOT  '35 

Principles  to  Be  Considered  in  Framing  New  York  Constitution 

Reducing  these  political  axioms  to  the  subject  in  hand,  that 
is,  the  constitution  and  public  opinion,  I  should  suggest: 

First. — The  constitution  should  be  as  short  as  possible,  fol- 
lowing the  model  of  the  federal  constitution,  which  is  little  more 
than  an  enumeration  of  the  powers  of  the  various  branches  of 
the  government,  to  which  wasi  added  the  bill  of  rights.  State 
constitutions  departed  from  this  model.  They  have  been  enlarged 
to  indefensible  lengths,  and  by  reason  of  enlargement  and  the 
inclusion  of  many  legislative  provisions,  the  underlying  idea  of  a 
constitution  as  a  framework  of  government  has  been  lost  sight  of. 

Constitution  an  Evolving  Instrument 

Second — The  constitution  should  be  an  evolving  instrument, 
not  an  inflexible,  finished  thing,  complete  in  all  its  details  for  a 
generation,  or  as  in  the  states  of  Kentucky,  Indiana,  Rhode 
Island  and  Connecticut,  practically  unchangeable  for  all  time. 

The  constitution  should  reflect  changing  social  conditions  and 
changing  needs.  It  should  mirror  the  seasoned  convictions  of 
the  nation,  rather  than  lag  many  years  behind  them.  It  should 
have  more  permanence  than  a  legislative  act,  and  amendments 
should  be  approved  by  the  people.  But  it  should  not  be  neces- 
sary for  two  successive  legislatures  to  approve  of  a  resolution 
permitting  an  amendment  to  be  voted  upon,  and  the  majority 
within  the  legislature  for  submission  ought  not  to  be  prohibitive. 
It  should  provide  that  a  two-thirds  majority  of  any  general 
assembly,  or  a  mere  majority  of  two  successive  assemblies,  may 
submit  an  amending  resolution.  Further  than  this,  provision 
should  be  made  for  amendment  by  the  direct  action  of  the 
people  themselves,  acting  through  petitions  submitted  for  this 
purpose.  If  five  or  eight  per  cent  of  the  electors  of  a  state  like 
New  York  are  sufficiently  exercised  over  a  condition  to  go  to 
the  trouble  and  expense  of  preparing  petitions,  then  their 
petition  should  be  given  a  hearing  by  being  placed  upon  the 
ballot,  the  same  as  a  resolution  regularly  submitted  by  the  leg- 
islature;  and  if  a  majority  of  those  voting  upon  the  proposal 
favor  it,  it  should  became  a  part  of  the  organic  law  of  the  state. 
This  is  the  very  essence  of  the  right  of  petition,  sanctioned  in 
every  constitution,  for  the  right  of  petition  is  empty  unless  it 
can  be  made  effective.    It  is  also  of  the  essence  of   responsive 


36  SHORT  BALLOT 

and  responsible  government,  as  well  asi  of  the  idea  of  an  evolv- 
ing, changing  constitution,  reflecting  the  seasoned  opinions  of 
the  community.  It  is  unfair  to  a  people  to  require  it  to  accept 
for  a  generation's  time  the  deliberations  of  a  group  of  repre- 
sentatives, whose  opinions  can  be  known  only  after  they  have 
deliberated,  without  power  to  escape  from  their  opinions  by 
any  action  which  the  people  themselves  may  take.  This  is  not 
representative  government ;   it  is  government  by  chance. 

Separate  Subiiiission  of  Debated  Questions 

Third — In  keeping  with  the  above  suggestions,  amendments  to 
the  constitution,  involving  radical  departures  like  woman  suffrage, 
prohibition,  the  initiative,  referendum  and  recall,  should  be  sub- 
mitted as  separate  proposals  for  the  discriminating  action  "t 
the  voter.  Alterations  in  the  fundamental  laws  such  as  tht.-t, 
should  not  be  incorporated  into  the  l>ody  of  the  constitutinn 
when  submitted,  but  should  at  all  times  and  under  all  circum- 
stances be  open  to  unincumbered  action  by  the  electorate.  The 
Ohio  constitution  of  1912  contained  many  separate  and  detached 
amendments,  placed  before  the  people  in  separate  columns,  upon 
which  the  electors  passed  individual  judgment.  About  one-half 
of  these  proposals  were  adopted,  and  the  other  half  were  re- 
jected, showing  a  more  highly  developed  political  intelligence 
than  the  electorate  is  generally  assauned  to  possess. 

Commission  Government  for  State 

Fourth — In  keeping  with  the  idea  of  simplicity  and  efficien<.\. 
the  commission  form  of  government  should  l)e  substituted  iov 
that  which  now  prevails.  The  legislature  should  consisit  of  a 
single  chamber  of  a  relatively  small  size.  A  legislative  body 
composed  of  one  representative  from  each  congressional  district 
would  be  adequate  for  all  purposes.  It  should  be  in  continued 
session  all  the  year,  as  is  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 
Surely,  if  the  needs  of  the  smallest  town  require  the  atten'lion 
of  its  council  for  twelve  months  in  the  year,  the  legisilative  body 
of  a  commonwealth  of  10,000,000  people,  more  than  three  times 
the  population  of  the  United  States  when  the  constitution  was 
adopted,  requires  the  same  continuous  legislative  service. 

The  commonest  complaint  of  our  assembliesi  Is  that  they 
pass  .too  many  laws  and  too  hasty  legislation.     Much  of  this  is 


SHORT   BALLOT  37 

due  to  the  size  of  the  legislature.  Each  member  feels  that  at 
least  one  measure  must  bear  his  name.  As  a  consequence,  state 
laws  command  little  respect,  and  for  the  most  part  are  entitled 
to  no  more  respect  than  they  receive.  A  small  legislative  body 
in  continuous  session,  acting  with  the  informality  of  a  city 
commission,  would  result  in  more  mature  deliberation,  more 
intelligent  action,  and  a  great  decrease  in  the  number  of  ill- 
adjusted  laws  which  issue  from  our  state  legislatures,  even 
when  they  are  in  session  for  but  a  few  months  in  the  year. 

In  addition,  I  should  suggest  that  the  governor  should  appoint 
the  members  of  his  cabinet,  including  the  attorney-general,  the 
secretary  of  state  and  the  executive  heads  of  other  departments. 
The  governor  and  each  member  of  the  cabinet  should  have  a 
seat  in  the  legislature,  with  the  right  to  discuss  all  measures, 
but  not  to  vote.  This  is  a  provision  now  found  in  many  city 
charters;  it  has  resulted  in  greater  unity  of  action  and  increased 
municipal  efficiency. 

This  is  perhaps  as  near  an  approach  as  is  possible  to  the 
British  idea  of  responsible  cabinet  government.  It  should  tend 
to  bring  into  politics  a  more  highly  trained  type  of  man,  as 
well  asi  greater  unity  in  the  administration  of  public  affairs.  In 
connection  with  this,  I  would  entrust  the  governor  with  the 
appointment  and  easy  removal  of  the  directors  of  all  executive 
departments,  whose  relations  to  the  governor  should  be  some- 
what similar  to  those  of  the  department  heads  in  a  great  city. 

Short  Ballot 

Fifth — The  Short  Ballot.  The  commission  form  of  govern- 
ment would  lead  to  the  Short  Ballot.  It  would  reduce  the 
number  of  elective  officials  to  the  governor  and  the  members  of 
the  state  assembly.  This  would  simplify  elections,  and  auto- 
matically make  it  possible  to  select  a  higher  type  of  man  than 
those  who  now  go  to  the  assembly.  Further  than  this,  it  would 
lure  better  men  into  politics,  for  the  opportunitiesi  of  real  service 
.  offered  would  prove  attractive  to  the  best  equipped  men  in  the 
community. 

In  addition,  I  favor  longer  terms  of  office  for  the  governor 
and  the  members  of  the  assembly.  I  should  suggest  a  term  of 
four  years,  with  the  right  of  recall.  By  this  means  the  official 
would  always  be   responsible  to  hisi  constituents,   while  a  con- 


38  SHORT   BALLOT 

tinuing  policy,  covering  a  reasonable  period  of  time,  would  be 
open  to  achievement  by  an  administration. 

Right   of  Judicial  Review 

Sixth — I  have  never  believed  that  the  federal  constitution 
contemplated  the  power  of  judicial  review  of  congressional  or 
executive  acts.  The  constitutional  provisions  seized  on  by  the 
courts  to  justify  their  interposition  are  entirely  inadequate  to 
sanction  such  assumption.  The  recently  adopted  constitution  of 
Ohio  recognized  this  protest  against  judicial  usurpation  and 
provided  that  no  act  of  the  legislature  should  be  held  to  be 
unconstitutional  by  the  supreme  court,  except  when  siuch  decis- 
ion was  concurred  in  by  six  out  of  seven  members  of  the  highest 
appellate  tribunal. 

Complete  Municipal  Autotiofny 

Seventh — Complete  home  rule  should  be  accorded  muni- 
cipalities. They  should  be  permitted  to  prepare  their  own 
charters;  to  determine  for  themselves  what  activities,  they  shall 
perform ;  what  industries  and  activities  they  shall  engage  in ; 
what  salaries  they  shall  pay,  and  what  powers  they  shall  exercise 
over  persons  and  property  within  their  midst,  subject  only  to 
the  constitutional  safeguards.  Municipalities  should  have  the 
same  freedom  to  experiment  that  a  private  corporation  now 
enjoys;  they  should  be  permitted  to  decide  for  themselves  as 
to  the  sources  from  which  they  siliall  collect  their  revenues  and 
as  to  the  way  in  which  they  shall  spend  them.  The  amount  of 
their  bonded  indebtedness  should  be  determined  by  the  com- 
munity itself,  as  well  as  the  purposes  for  which  siuch  indebted- 
ness is  incurred.  Cities  should  have  the  same  autonomy  now 
enjoyed  by  the  state  and  the  nation.  Within  their  own  sphere 
of  action  they  should  be  sovereign,  much  as  are  the  cities  of 
Germany  and  some  of  the  cities  in  our  western  states. 

Such  a  devolution  of  power  would  relieve  the  legislature  from 
the  burden  of  considering  local  dcmandsi  and  would  render  it 
possible  for  the  city  itself  to  develop  its  own  life  and  adjust  its 
administration  to  local  needs,  as  is  not  now  possible  when  the 
financial  limitationsi  of  a  municipality  arc  fi.xed  and  determined 
by  the  constitution  and  state  laws,  and  are  necessarily  unrespon- 
sive to  local  necessities. 


SHORT   BALLOT  39 

Direct  Legislation 

Eighth — Adequate  responsivenesis  to  public  opinion  involves 
provision  for  direct  legislative  action  by  the  'people  themselves, 
through  the  initiative  and  referendum ;  and  of  these  two  devices 
the  initiative  is  by  far  the  more  important.  The  referendum  is 
negative.  It  usually  relates  to  questions  in  which  the  people 
have  no  great  interest.  And  the  failure  of  large  numbers  of 
people  to  vote  upon  referendum  measures  is  no  index  of  the 
response  which  would  follow  to  measures  initiated  by  the 
people  themselvesi.  The  initiative  is  the  final  step  in  democ- 
racy; it  involves  a  government  which  mirrors  public  opinion. 
That  it  is  not  likely  to  be  used  for  radical  purposes  is  indicated 
by  the  experience  of  western  states,  as  well  as  of  Ohio,  where 
the  presumption  of  the  unenlightened  voter  is  against  a  new 
measure  rather  than  in  favor  of  it.  But  most  important  of  all 
is  the  educative  influence  of  referendum  elections  on  measures 
initiated  by  the  people  themselves.  They  lead  to  constant  dis- 
cussion, to  a  deeper  interest  in  government,  and  to  a  psycho- 
logical conviction  that  a  government  is  in  effect  the  people 
themselves.  And  this  is  the  greatest  gain  of  all.  It  has  been 
said  that  the  jury  is  the  training  school  of  democracy.  To  an 
even  greater  extent  isi  this  true  of  the  initiative  and  referendum. 

Political  Freedotn — a  Principle 

The  underlying  motive  of  the  foregoing  philosophy  is  fluid- 
ity, responsiveness,  freedom;  freedom  of  society,  in  its  collec- 
tive capacity,  to  develop  its  own  political  life ;  freedom  to  evolve, 
to  grow  by  change,  just  as  does  the  individual,  just  as  does  the 
whole  animal  and  even  the  vegetable  kingdom.  And  I  have 
no  more  fear  of  mankind  in  its  collective  capacity  than  I  have 
of  mankind  in  its  individual  capacity.  And  if  there  is  any 
quality  which  stamps  American  life,  American  character,  Ameri- 
can industry,  it  is  freedom.  Freedom  explains  our  achieve- 
ments, it  explains,  our  industrial  development.  It  explains  the 
ingenuity,  resourcefulness  and  courage  of  the  nation.  And 
freedom  is,  I  believe,  the  law  of  all  nature — a  law  as  immutable 
in  its  ultimate  blessings  as  any  that  nature  sanctions, — not  the 
patchwork  freedom  with  which  we  are  familiar,  the  freedom 
that  gives  privileges  to  some,  and  burdens  to  others;  not  the 
freedom  which  fails  to  distinguish  between  that  which  is  essen- 


40  SHORT   BALLOT 

tially  public  and  that  which  is  essentially  private ;  not  the  free- 
dom which  grants  license  to  the  individual  and  chains  to  the 
community;  but  the  freedom  of  each  man  to  live  his  individual 
life,  so  long  as  he  does  not  interfere  with  the  equal  freedom  of 
his  fellows  and  the  right  of  the  community  to  live  its  life  and 
control  the  individual,  so  that  he  will  not  exceed  the  freedom 
vouchsafed  to  him. 

Finally,  these  are  the  principles  I  would  apply  to  government 
affairs.  Politics  should  be  siniple  rather  than  confused.  Of- 
ficials should  be  responsive,  not  irresponsible.  There  should  be 
an  end  of  checks  and  balances.  There  should  be  a  direct  vision 
between  the  citizen  and  hjs  servant,  and  easy  means  for  the 
community  to  achieve  its  will,  and  an  equally  easy  means  to 
change  its  decisions  when  it  finds  itself  in  error.  In  fine,  I 
believe  that  government  should  be  responsive  to  public  opinion 
and  free  to  reflect  that  opinion  in  legislation  when  expressed. 

Equity.     16:56.     January,    1914 

The  Ohio  Defeat 

Official  returns  of  the  vote  on  the  Short  Ballot  amendments 
in  Ohio  show  the  following  vote : 

For  the  state  amendment,  233,153;  against,  447,493. 

For  the  county  amendment,  213,865;  against,  436,739. 

The  heaviest  majority  against  the  amendments,  as  was  ex- 
pected, was  cast  in  the  rural  counties.  It  was  to  them  that  the 
state  officials  chiefly  directed  their  campaign.  The  Short  Balli>t 
forces,  on  the  other  hand,  directed  mo.sit  of  their  energies  t  • 
the  city  voters;  and  where  it  was  possible  to  secure  effecti\i 
publicity,  the  amendments  carried  by  substantial  majorities,  as 
in  Cuyahoga  County  (Cleveland),  Lucas  (Toledo),  and  Ham- 
ilton (Cincinnati). 

On  November  loth  the  Ohio  Short  Halint  Ci>uimittcc  issiud 
this  statement,  which  sjjcaks  for  itself: 

The  first  Short  Ballut  skirmish  was  lost   on  Tuosilay:  because  the  niii\.- 
ment   is  new;   the  principle   was  misrepresented   by   ofticeholders   and   o\' 
seekers,   and   the   amendments,   as   submitted   by   the   (jeneral    assenil)ly,    «■ 
unfortunate  in  foim. 

In  counties  where  the  cause  was  fully  presented  to  the  people  it 
commanded  satisfactory  majorities.  In  t'uyahoi;a  founly  it  carried  In  ■< 
majority  of  Jo.ooo;  in   Hamilton   by   7,000,  and   in   l.ucas   by   j,ooo. 

The   next  contest   will   be   on   an   initiated  short  ballot   amendment    wlm  li 


SHORT   BALLOT  41 

will  express  just  what  the  Short  Ballot  advocates  believe  should  be   in  the 
fundamental   law   of   Ohio.     It  will   include: 

(a)  The  appointment  of  state  administrative  officers,  who  are  lost 
sight  of  by  the  voter  at  the  polls;  the  establishment  of  the  cabinet  system 
in  state  government,  and  the  fixing  of  definite  responsibility  upon  the 
governor,   whom  the  people  can  call  to  account  every  two  years. 

(&)  Home  rule  for  counties,  making  it  possible  for  the  legislature  to 
provide  (with  the  approval  of  the  voters)  relief  for  populous  counties 
from  the  present  rigid,  inefficient  and  expensive  county  government. 

(c)  Legislative  districts;  providing  for  the  division  of  the  more  popu- 
lous counties  into  as  many  representative  and  senatorial  districts  as  there 
are  representatives  and  state  senators,  so  that  each  voter  will  be  required  to 
vote  for  only  one  state  senator  and  one  representative,  instead  of  for 
eighteen  in  Cuyahoga,  fifteen  in  Hamilton  and  six  in  Franklin  County,  as 
at  present. 

Where  the  Short  Ballot  had  one  enthusiastic  supporter  in  Ohio  three 
months  ago  it  has  a  hundred  to-day.  Its  reasonableness  becomes  apparent 
as  men  study  its  purpose.  Its  necessity  grows  more  obvious  as  government 
becomes  more  complex.  It  is  one  of  those  vital  reforms  that  thrives  on 
defeat.  The  issue  involved  is  "Shall  intelligent  voting  be  made  easy 
and  simple  in  Ohio?"  The  restoration  of  representative  government  is  at 
stake.  The  men  behind  this  constructive  reform  are  not  quitters.  They 
are  patient  and  steadfast  men  who  are  accustomed  to  the  long  look  ahead. 
The  fight   has  just  begun. 


World's  Work.     19:  12760-iv     April,  1910 

Politics  without  the   Politician 

Can  you  name  the  state  auditor  you  voted  for  at  the  last 
election,  or  the  coroner,  or  the  county  clerk,  or  your  state  repre- 
sentative? Did  you  really  have  a  choice  among  the  candidates 
for  these  and  the  dozensi  of  other  offices  j'ou  think  you  helped  to 
fill?  Can  you  assert  that  you  knew  anything  concerning  the 
characters  of  half  the  candidates  on  the  long  ballots  you  have 
been  marking?  A  voter  who  participates  in  the  full  four-year 
cycle  of  elections,  national,  state,  county,  city,  township,  has 
to  record  his  choice  for  about  five  hundred  offices,  for  each  of 
which  there  may  be  an  indefinite  number  of  candidates.  Can 
any  elector  rationally  be  expected  to  have  the  wide  personal 
information  which  he  should  have  to  vote  in  this  wholesale 
fashion  ? 

It  is  a  just  criticism  of  the  republican  system  that  it  loads 
the  citizen  with  electoral  responsibilities  for  which  he  is  not 
and  cannot  be  competent.  The  average  citizen,  as  a  rule,  knows 
little    or    nothing   about    the    minor    offices,    the    candidates    for 


42  SHORT   BALLOT 

them,  the  quaHfications  required,  the  lengths  of  the  terms,  and 
the  recurrence  of  elections. 

Somebody  does  know,  however.  The  citizen  being  too  busy 
with  his  private  affairs  to  keep  himself  informed  on  these  mul- 
titudinous public  matters,  there  has  grown  up  a  profession  which 
manages  his  voting  for  him.  Necessity  has  created  the  poli- 
tician— the  specialist  in  the  election  business. 

The  profession  of  the  politician  is  a  thoroughly  honorable 
and  useful  one.  In  Chicago  and  a  few  other  cities,  organizations 
like  the  Municipal  Voters'  League  maintain  honest  election  spe- 
cialists, paying  them  to  place  their  knowledge  and  skill  at  the 
service  of  the  public. 

Generally,  however,  the  professional  politician  is  in  business 
for  himself.  He  trades  in  the  people's  ignorance  and  fills  at 
least  the  minor  officesi  with  men  who  will  serve  his  own  interests. 

A  new  idea  is  abroad,  offering  to  remedy  many  of  the  ills 
of  rule  by  politicians.  It  advises :  Shorten  the  ballot ;  take  the 
minor  offices  off  the  voting-papers.  The  citizen  can  post  himself 
concerning  conditions  for  the  presidency,  governorship,  mayor- 
alty. There  will  be  greater  certainty  in  getting  the  right  men  in 
the  high  places  if  the  little  places  are  not  voted  for  at  the  same 
time.  Then  let  the  big  men  appoint  the  little  ones — and  be  re- 
sponsible for  them.  Drive  the  political  specialists  out  of  business 
by  making  them  unnecessary. 

The  Short   Ballot  means  the  concentration  of   responsibility. 

Outlook.     92:971-2.     August  28,  1909 

Short  Ballot 

Some  of  our  readers  appear  to  think  that  the  Short  Ballot 
idea  is  a  novel  and  radical  one.  It  is  not.  In  .\nierican  politics 
it  is  a  hundred  and  thirty-two  years  old. 

The  Short  Ballot  idea  has  been  defined  and  described  in 
several  articles  recently  published  in  thcsie  pages.  It  is  that  we 
sihould  follow  in  our  municipal  and  state  elections  the  method 
of  our  federal  election ;  that  we  should  make  our  elective  public 
officials  as  few  as  possible  and  confer  upon  them  as  great 
executive  powers  asi  possible.  The  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  submitted  to  the  people  in  1787,  adopted  for  the  national 
government  the  Short   Ballot  plan  of  conducting  elections,   and 


SHORT   BALLOT  43 

rejected,  after  serious  debate,  the  method  now  universally  fol- 
lowed in  elections  in  the  various  states.  In  national  aflfairs  the 
citizen  votes  for  one  president  with  a  vast  appointing  power, 
one  representative,  and  (although  indirectly)  for  two  senators. 
Gouverneur  Morris,  of  New  York,  was  largely  instrumental  in 
having  the  Short  Ballot  idea  introduced  into  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution. Ten  years  before,  in  1777,  he  tried  to  introduce  it  into 
the  Constitution  of  the  State  of  New  York,  and  unfortunately 
failed.  Theodore  Roosevelt,  in  his  very  interesting  and  illumi- 
nating life  of  Gouverneur  Morris,  published  twenty  years  ago, 
in  the  American  Statesmen  Series,  makes  the  following  sig- 
nificant comments  upon  Morris's  connection  with  the  first  New 
York  State  Constitution : 

It  was  over  the  executive  branch  that  the  main  contest  arose.  It 
was  conceded  that  this  should  be  nominally  single-headed;  that  is,  that 
there  should  be  a  governor.  But  the  members  generally  could  not  realize 
how  different  was  a  governor,  elected  by  the  people  and  responsible  to 
them,  from  one  appointed  by  an  alien  and  higher  power  to  rule  over  them, 
as  in  the  colonial  days.  .  .  .  Morris  himself  was  wonderfully  clear- 
sighted and  cool-headed.  He  did  not  let  the  memory  of  the  wrong-doing 
of  the  royal  governors  blind  him;  he  saw  that  the  trouble  with  them  lay, 
not  in  the  power  that  they  held,  but  in  the  source  from  which  that  power 
came.  Once  the  source  was  changed,  the  power  was  an  advantage,  not  a 
harm,  to  the  state.  Yet  few  or  none  of  his  companions  could  see  this; 
and  they  nervously  strove  to  save  their  new  state  from  the  danger  of 
executive  usurpation  by  trying  to  make  the  executive  practically  a  board 
of  men  instead  of  one  man,  and  by  crippling  it  so  as  to  make  it  ineffective 
for  good,  while  at  the  same  time  dividing  the  responsibility  so  that  no  one 
need  be  afraid  to  do  evil. 

While  the  views  of  Morris  were  adopted  in  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution, they  were  rejected  in  the  State  Constitution.  The 
result  is  that  to-day  bosst-made  and  machine-driven  government 
flourishes  in  our  state  and  municipal  administrations,  while  it 
has  comparatively  little  influence  in  national  aflfairs.  The  popular 
will  is  expressed  more  directly  and  more  efficiently  through  the 
Short  Ballot  of  our  federal  elections  than  through  the  cumber- 
some method  by  which,  in  Bo&ton,  for  example,  the  voter  is 
confronted  with  the  names  of  nearly  ninety  candidates  on  his 
ballot. 

Boston  has  discovered  the  fact  that  its  present  system  of 
elections  contributes  to  the  confusion  of  the  voter  and  the 
strengthening  of  the  corrupt  or  sielfish  boss.  The  Boston 
Finance  Commission,  after  disclosing  a  condition  of  corruption 


44  SHORT   BALLOT 

at  the  city  hall  which  aroused  the  attention  and  indignation  of 
the  whole  community,  has  proposed  and  put  through  the  state 
legislature  a  Charter  bill  by  which  two  plans  for  city  elections 
will  be  submitted  to  the  voters  next  November.  Plan  number 
one  is  generally  regarded  asi  the  plan  of  the  politicians ;  plan 
number  two  is  that  favored  by  the  Finance  Commission.  Both 
plans,  however,  provide  for  a  shorter  ballot  than  Boston  now 
employs,  for  the  present  city  government  includes  thirteen  alder- 
men elected  annually  at  large  and  seventy-five  common  councilors 
elected  annually  by  wards.  Plan  number  one,  or  the  politicians' 
plan,  provides  a  common  council  of  thirty-siix  members,  and, 
while  a  concession  to  Short  Ballot  sentiment,  still  clings  to  the 
idea  of  a  bulky  and  unwieldly  administration.  Plan  number  two, 
in  our  judgment  far  the  more  practical  as  well  as  far  the  simpler, 
provides  for  a  city  council  of  nine  membersi.  The  entire  council 
is  to  be  elected  the  first  year,  but,  after  a  certain  definite  period 
provided  in  the  charter,  there  will  be  only  from  four  to  six 
municipal  candidates!  to  be  elected  each  year,  the  larger  number 
falling  in  those  years  when  the  mayor  and  two  members  of  the 
school  committee,  as  well  as  three  members  of  the  council,  are 
being  chosen.  The  mayor  will  be  elected  for  four  years,  but 
there  is  provision  for  a  "recall"  on  the  expression  of  the  will 
of  a  majority  of  the  registered  voters. 

The  weakest  spot  in  American  democracy  to-day  is  American 
city  government.  Advocates  of  municipal  reform  in  all  parts 
of  the  country  will  join  with  the  Boston  Finance  Commission 
in  the  hope  that  the  voters  of  that  city  will  adopt  plan  number 
two.  The  Finance  Conmiission,  in  urging  its  adoption,  makes 
the  following  prediction : 

By  reducing  the  number  of  candidates,  and  thereby  simplifyiuR  the 
ballot,  good  nominations  and  intelligent  discussion  of  candidates  will  be 
possible.  This  is  not  now  the  case.  .  .  .  The  commission  is  under  no 
illusion  that  the  changes  recommended  will  of  and  by  themselves  secure 
good  government.  No  municipal  charter  can  be  a  selfcxeculiiig  instrument 
of  righteousness.  If  the  people  want  the  kind  of  government  they  have 
had  during  the  psst  few  years,  no  charter  revision  will  prevent  it.  If,  as 
the  commission  believes,  they  desire  good  government,  the  plan  suggested 
should  enable  them  to  obtain  and  keep  it. 

Why  should  not  the  Short  Ballot  idea,  which  has  been  put 
into  successful  operation  in  some  of  our  western  cities,  and  is 
now  likely  to  be  applied  to  numicipal  administration  in  Boston, 
be  takrn   u\),   discussed,   and   jU'rliaps  embodied   in   constitutional 


SHORT   BALLOT  45 

amendments  in  the  various  states  as  a  meansi  of  reforming  state 
politics  along  practical  lines? 

Outlook.     92:829-31.     August  I,  1909 

Short  Ballot  Again 

The  electoral  reform  proposed  by  Mr.  Richard  S.  Childs  in 
a  recent  issue  of  The  Outlook,  and  entitled  "The  Short  Ballot," 
has  excited  an  unusual  amount  of  newspaper  comment — much 
of  it,  we  are  bound  to  say,  skeptical,  if  not  adverse.  This  is 
not  disappointing,  because  it  is  entirely  natural.  Americans  are 
thoroughly  saturated  with  the  idea  of  democracy;  they  believe 
with  all  their  hearts  that  this  is  a  "government  of  the  people, 
by  the  people,  and  for  the  people."  Partly  through  the  influence 
of  French  political  philosophers  in  the  period  of  struggle  imme- 
diately preceding  the  birth  of  the  American  Republic,  partly 
through  tradition,  partly  through  the  unconscious  and  autono- 
mous growth  of  political  machinery,  and  partly  through  the 
persistently  inculcated  doctrines  of  the  political  "bosses,"  who 
wish  to  control  nominations  and  elections,  we  have  come  to 
accept,  as  a  fundamental  part  of  our  political  creed,  the  belief 
that  in  order  to  have  a  representative  government  the  people 
must  choose  and  elect  all  their  executive  officers — or  at  least, 
if  not  all,  as  many  as  it  is  physically  possible  to  crowd  upon  a 
ballot.  We  do  recognize  that  there  are  some  physical  limita- 
tions ;  in  New  York  we  elect  a  secretary  of  state,  but  we  let 
him  choose  his  deputies ;  we  elect  our  state  treasurer,  but  we 
let  him  appoint  his  cashier.  It  is  manifest,  therefore,  that  a  line 
is  to  be  drawn  somewhere.  Mr.  Childs  proposes,  not  that  we 
shall  adopt  a  radically  new  system  of  government,  but  simply 
that  we  shall  move  the  line,  which  everybody  recognizes,  a  little 
further  upward  and  vote  for  fewer  officers,  imposing  upon  those 
officers  greater  responsibilities  of  appointment.  We  should  still 
have  a  representative  government — in  our  judgment  a  more  rep- 
resentative government,  for  the  elected  officers  would  be  more 
intimately  known  and  understood  by  the  voters,  and  would 
therefore  be  held,  both  morally  and  practically,  more  responsible 
to  the  people. 

From  a  mass  of  newspaper  editorials  which  have  come  to 
our  attention,   we   select  three  asi  voicing  the  typical   objections 


40  SHORT  BALLOT 

to  the  idea  of  the  Short  Ballot.  The  Concord  (New  Hampshire) 
Patriot  says :  "If  what  Mr.  Childs  says  be  true,  why  not  elect 
just  one  man  in  the  state,  as,  say,  governor,  one  man  in  the 
county,  as,  say,  sheriff;  and  one  man  in  the  city,  as,  &ay,  mayor, 
and  let  him  fill  all  the  other  places?"  Why  not,  indeed,  with 
the  modification  of  having  the  voter  also  elect  one  or  two  repre- 
sentatives to  a  legislative  council  which  shall  co-operate  with 
the  executive?  This  is  the  method  employed  in  the  national 
government  and  it  works  entirely  successifully.  The  presidents 
of  the  United  States,  from  the  days  of  Washington,  have  repre- 
sented the  American  people  and  have  protected  them  in  their 
democratic  rights  more  completely  and  more  successfully  than 
the  state  administrations  of  any  state,  or  of  all  the  states.  The 
Patriot  goes  on  to  say  that  New  Hampshire  has  tried  the  Short 
Ballot  plan  with  large  appointive  power,  and  it  has  proved  a 
failure ;  that  New  Hampshire  has  not  had  a  governor  in  decades 
who  has  really  represented  the  people,  and  w'ho  has  not  made 
his  appointments  from  corrupt  or  selfish  or  weak  motives.  Our 
answer  is,  first,  that  New  Hampshire  has  never  tried  the  Short 
Ballot  plan.  A  1904  ballot  of  the  New  Hampshire  city  of  Man- 
chester includes,  outside  of  the  national  offices,  thirty-one  sets 
of  candidates.  This  is  not  a  short  ballot,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
is  one  of  the  longest  in  the  country.  "Neither  the  people  of 
New  Hampshire  nor  any  other  state,"  says  Mr.  Childs,  "are 
competent  to  elect  thirty-one  officers  on  one  day  with  any  degree 
of  discrimination.  Nothing  but  a  long-established  and  adroitly 
managed  political  machine  can  handle  the  task  of  making  nomi- 
nations for  such  a  multitude  of  offices.  It  is  not  strange,  then, 
that  the  machine  can  control,  not  only  the  minor  officials,  but  also 
the  governor."  But  suppose  that  the  Patriot  were  correct,  and 
that  New  Hampshire  voters,  by  means  of  the  Short  Ballot,  had 
elected  corrupt  governors  for  decades.  Is  the  remedy  to  give 
them  the  opportunity  to  elect  a  great  body  of  corrupt  subordi- 
nate officers?  Does  the  pessimistic  maxim,  "Set  a  thief  to  catch 
.a  thief,"  provide  a  cure  for  our  political  ills?  Decidedly  not. 
The  remedy  in  New  Hampshire  is  to  center  the  power  of 
executive  action  and  direct  responsibility  to  the  people  in  the 
governor,  and  then  to  educate  the  voters  so  that  they  will  make 
short  shrift  of  a  governor  who  does  not  represent  tlunn  a&  they 
desire. 

The  second  objector  is  the  Aurora    (Illinois)    Beacon,   which 


SHORT   BALLOT  47 

asserts  that  the  voters  in  Illinois  on  the  whole  know  the  per- 
sonal qualifications  for  office  of  the  candidatesi  presented  to  them 
for  election  upon  the  present  ballot,  and  desire  to  act  for  them- 
selves upon  that  knowledge.  We  concede  the  fact  that  a  high 
degree  of  intelligence  prevails  in  the  state  of  Illinois,  but  we 
doubt  whether  the  citizens  of  Aurora  are  competent  to  decide, 
or  are  interested  in  deciding,  whether  the  state  engineer  knows 
enough  differential  calculus  properly  to  determine  the  strain  on 
an  arch  in  one  of  their  new  highway  bridges;  or  whether  the 
trustees  for  the  University  of  Illinois,  for  whom  they  vote,  are 
fitted  to  select  a  professor  of  agricultural  chemistry  for  that 
admirable  institution.  Yet  these  are  exactly  the  kind  of  ques- 
tions which  the  citizens  of  Illinois  ought  to  give  attention  to  if 
they  are  going  to  vote  intelligently  for  some  of  the  candidates 
now  presented  for  their  inspection  and  suffrage.  The  absurdity 
of  imposing  mathematical  or  chemical  responsibilities  on  the 
voter  is  manifest. 

The  Cleveland  (Ohio)  Leader  is  another  objector  to  the 
Short  Ballot  plan,  and  its  opinion  is  typical  of  a  somewhat  gen- 
eral but  not  verj'  carefully  reasoned  skepticism.  The  Leader  is 
inclined  to  believe  that  a  more  efficient  democratic  government 
would  follow  the  concentration  of  all  responsibility  upon  fewer 
elected  public  servants,  but  it  also  believes  that  the  American 
people  do  not  want  this  kind  of  reform.  '"The  majority,  it  is 
probable,  w-ould  prefer  to  be  badly  and  wastefuUy  governed  and 
still  governed  directly  by  men  of  their  own  choosing  rather  than 
to  be  w-ell  governed  and  have  their  public  business  efficiently 
administered  if  it  had  to  be  done  by  officials  whom  the  people 
did  not  select."  If  the  Leader  means  to  say  "by  officials  all  of 
whom  the  people  did  not  select,"  we  take  issue  with  it ;  we  do 
not  think  Americans  want  bad  government  in  exchange  for  elect- 
ing all  public  servants.  They  do,  however,  desire  that  the  of- 
ficials whomj  they  do  elect  shall  mind  their  business,  shall  feel 
their  responsibility,  and  shall  be  responsive  to  the  popular  will. 
The  postmaster-general  of  the  United  States,  who  is  appointed 
by  the  president,  answers  to  these  requirements  quite  as  fully 
as  the  president  himself.  If  there  is  any  executive  department 
of  the  government  the  head  of  which  the  people  might  naturally 
feel  should  be  selected  by  them  and  by  them  alone,  it  is  the 
director  of  the  post-office.  But  the  fact  that  he  is  an  appointed 
and  not  an  elected  official  does  not  make  him  immune  from  the 


48  SHORT   BALLOT 

exercise  .of  the  popular  will.  A  postmaster-general  whose  acts 
met  with  a  storm  of  disapproval  from  every  part  of  the  country 
would  at  once  resign  or  be  dismissed  from  any  cabinet,  except, 
perhaps,  that  of  a  President  Johnson ;  and  President  Johnson 
could  not  have  been  elected  in  accordance  with  the  Short  Ballot 
principle. 

•  It  appears  to  us  conclusiive  that  the  burden  of  proof  rests 
upon  , the  objectors  to  the  Short  Ballot  idea;  it  needs  more  evi- 
dence than  has  been  so  far  presented  to  convince  The  Outlook 
that  it  is  not  easy. to  understand,  simple  of  application,  politically 
efficient,  and  more  in  accord  with  the  principles  of  representative 
government  than  our  present  method  of  trying  to  select  all 
public  officers  by  popular  choice. 

Equity.     16:53.    January,   1914 

^  Short  Ballot  Movement  in  New  York 

The  Short  Ballot  idea  received  its  greatest  impetus  in  New 
York  state  when,  on  December  5,  the  Republican  conference 
in  New  York  City  adopted  a  resolution,  couched  in  very  definite 
terms,  supporting  the  application  of  the  principle  to  the  state 
government.  This  action  assured  the  support  of  the  party  in 
the  next  legislature  for  a  constitutional  amendment  which  would 
vest  the  appointment  of  the  principal  administrative  state  officers 
(the  comptroller,  the  attorney-general,  the  state  treasurer,  the 
secretary  of  state  and  the  state  engineer  and  surveyor)  in  the 
governor.  This  follows  the  line  of  advance  laid  down  in  Cali- 
fornia, Iowa  and  Ohio,  and  may  be  called  the  orthodox  measure 
as  applied  to  state  government. 

Governor  Hughes  at  the  very  outset  of  the  Short  Ballot 
movement  recommended  such  a  step,  but  his  influence,  though 
great,  was  insufficient  to  commit  the  party.  Last  year,  how- 
ever, the  Progressive  forces  not  only  incorporated  the  Short 
Ballot  principle  in  their  state  platform,  but  prepared  and  sub- 
mitted in  the  legislature  a  definite  measure  and  supported  it  with 
a  pamphlet  which  was  widely  circulated.  In  the  Democratic  party 
the  proposal  now  has  at  least  the  passive  support  of  Governor 
Glynn,  who,  in  calling  the  attention  of  the  legislature  to  the 
necessity  for  a  constitutional  convention  at  an  early  date,  pointed 
to  the  general  sentiment  for  Short  Ballot  reform  as  OUQ  of  the 
chief  reasons  for  action. 


SHORT   BALLOT  .49 

These  developments  have  a  particular  significance  at  this 
time,  inasmuch  as  the  system  of  direct  primaries,  coupled  with 
the  Massachusetts  ballot,  has  been  adopted  by  the  hold-over 
legislature.  Careful  students  of  electoral  conditions  see  qvute 
clearly  that  the  maximum  benefits  to  be  derived  from  these  new 
electoral  reforms  will  not  be  enjoyed  by  the  people  without  the 
simpler  conditions  supplied  under  the  Short  Ballot.  Until  the 
latter  is  in  effect  the  function  of  the  Massachusetts  form  pf 
ballot  will  be  principally  that  of  demonstrating  t«  the  voter  pre- 
cisely how  much  or  how  little  he  knows  about  each  of  the  can- 
didates. As  for  the  direct  primary,  the  difficulties  of  the  long 
ballot  are  quite  the  same,  if  not  even  more  aggravated,  when 
the  voter  makes  his  choice  of  candidates,  within  the  party  as 
when  he  makesi  his  final  choice. 

But  the  party  program  in  New  York  is  not  as  yet  as  broad  as 
that  of  the  leaders  in  the  Short  Ballot  movement:  the  executive 
committee  of  the  New  York  Short  Ballot  Organization.  This 
body,  now  that  its  original  proposal  is  in  seemingly  good  hands, 
has  broadened  its  interest  to  include  attention  to  the  county  and 
judiciary  problems. 

Independent.     69:1152-5.     November,  24,   1910 

Shortest  Ballot.     Lucius  F.   C.  Garvin 

The  movement  for  a  Short  Ballot  is  to  be  commended  and 
supported.  The  contrast  between  the  parliamentary  ballot  in 
Great  Britain  and  almost  any  ballot  in  the  United  States  is 
marked  and  very  much  to  our  discredit. 

In  England  two  or  three  names  for  the  one  office  of  member 
of  Parliament  appear  upon  the  ballot,  and  the  voter  is  called 
upon  merely  to  indicate  hisi  choice  among  them.  This  is  very 
simple,  concentrates  each  voter's  attention  upon  a  single  impor- 
tant act,  and  necessarily  secures  a  member  more  representative 
of  the  majority  of  voters  in  each  district  than  is  possible  with 
our  ballot  containing  a  multitude  of  candidates  for  many  offices. 

Compare  such  a  parliamentary  election  with  the  congressional 
election  in  Rhode  Island,  November  8,  igio.  It  is  true  that  this 
year  there  was  not  added  to  the  list  of  candidates  a  string  of 
presidential  electors,  as  was  the  case  in  the  preceding  congres- 
sional election  and  will  occur  again  in  1912.  But  in  each  of  the 
six  cities  of  this  state  were  to  be  found,  as  a  part  of  the  con- 


so  SHORT   BALLOT 

gresisional  ballot,  the  candidates  of  all  the  parties  for  governor 
and  for  the  other  four  state  offices,  also  for  state  senator  and 
for  state  representative.  This  makes  eight  offices  to  be  filled 
upon  the  same  ballot. 

Besides  all  thisi,  in  five  of  our  six  cities  there  was  a  second 
ballot,  deposited  at  the  same  time,  containing  the  names  of  can- 
didates for  mayor  and  the  other  general  city  officials,  for  alder- 
men, for  the  several  members  of  the  common  council  and  mem- 
bers of  the  school  committee. 

Each  of  the  two  ballots  might  be  voted  in  its  entirety  by 
marking  a  crosis  (x)  in  the  circle  under  the  symbol  at  the  head 
of  the  party  list.  In  this  way  most  electors,  by  making  a  single 
cross  mark,  vote  their  straight  party  ticket,  thus  usually  guaran- 
teeing the  election  pf  the  candidate  selected  by  the  machine  of 
the  successful  party. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that,  of  two  opposing  candidates,  the 
inferior  frequently  is  elected,  and  that,  even  for  so  important 
an  office  as  governor  or  congressman,  the  real  preference  of 
many  votersi  is  not  exprest.  This  year,  too,  the  election  of  Con- 
gressmen in  Rhode  Island  was  complicated  by  the  fact  that  the 
legislature  then  chosen  is  to  elect  a  successor  to  Senator  Aldrich. 

The  Massachusetts  ballot  is  better  than  that  of  Rhode  Island 
in  that  each  elector,  in  order  to  vote  a  full  ticket,  must  look  his 
ballot  entirely  thru  and  make  his  selection  from  the  names  alpha- 
betically arranged  under  each  office.  But  even  so,  for  many  if 
not  all  of  the  offices,  the  average  voter  must  guess  rather  than 
choose  intelligently,  thereby  falling  far  short  of  the  best  results. 

The  commission  form  of  government  for  cities,  where  not 
more  than  five  offices  are  to  be  filled  at  one  election,  is  eulogized 
as  an  illustration  of  the  Short  Ballot.  Certainly,  the  limitation 
of  the  duty  of  selection  to  designating  a  few  important  officials 
is  a  great  improvement  over  the  filling  of  a  long  list  of  offices, 
many  of  them  of  sieeming  unimportance,  which  usually  character- 
izes municipal  elections.  However,  five  or  even  three  are  too 
many  for  the  average  voter  to  choose  successfully  at  the  same 
time. 

The  greater  objection  to  the  commission  form  of  govern- 
ment, as  now  developed,  is  that  a  large  minority  of  the  electors 
is  unrepresented  upon  the  city  legislature  of  five  membersi.  For, 
whatever  administrative  functions  may  be  assigned  to  each  com- 
missioner, it  is  still  true  that,  as  a  whole,  they  fix  the  rate  of 


SHORT    BALLOT  51 

taxation,  apportion  the  city's  income  and  enact  ordinances,  all 
of  them  legislative  functions'. 

The  city  commission,  therefore,  is  a  small  body,  chosen  by 
a  plurality,  upon  which  a  minority  of  the  electorate,  however 
large,  is  unrepresented. 

I  predict  that  within  a  few  years,  as  soon  as  the  political 
machines  learn  the  ropes  of  the  new  sys/tem,  spoilsmen  will  con- 
stitute the  majority  of  the  commission — and  then!  With  all 
power  concentrated  in  the  hands  of  three  men,  who  are  serving 
the  interests  rather  than  the  public,  we  may  witness  abuses  equal 
to,  if  not  exceeding,  anything  known  in  the  past,  either  in  Phila- 
delphia, San  Francisco  or  Pittsburg. 

As  reformers  our  aim  should  be,  not  the  Short  Ballot,  but 
the  shortest  ballot  At  no  election  should  more  than  one  officer 
be  voted  for  by  any  elector.  That  is  the  situation  in  the  parlia- 
mentary elections  of  Great  Britain,  but  the  choice  of  the  voter 
among  candidates  is  very  restricted,  with  the  result  of  a  legisla- 
tive body  chosen  by  and  representative  of  about  one-half  of  the 
total  number  of  qualified  electors  voting.  Parliament  designates 
the  prime  ministers,  thus  avoiding  our  popular  election  of  presi- 
dent ;  but,  since  the  choosing  body  is  unrepresentative,  the  ad- 
ministration it  names  must  also  in  some  respects  be  unrepre- 
sentative of  the  will  of  the  people. 

In  order  to  apply  the  shortest  ballot  to  the  election  of  con- 
gressmen in  the  state  of  Massachusetts,  it  would  only  be  neces- 
sary to  have  a  general  ticket  for  the  entire  state  and  limit  each 
elector  to  a  single  vote.  For  the  fourteen  congressional  offices 
the  names  of  double  that  number  of  candidates  might  appear 
upon  the  ballot,  each  elector  to  take  his  choice  from  the  entire 
Hst. 

Under  such  an  election  law  the  method  of  nominating  can- 
didates becomes  unimportant.  Primary  election  laws,  which  at 
best  are  an  added  and  disagreeable  burden  imposed  upon  the 
voters,  will  become  of  no  consequence  and  may  well  be  repealed. 
Let  the  parties,  large  and  small,  nominate  in  such  manner  as 
they  choose,  and  let  individuals  sign  nomination  papers  for  inde- 
pendent candidates  when  they  like.  By  these  two  methods  a 
siufficient  number  of  capable  men  will  find  their  names  placed 
upon  the  ballot,  and  the  fourteen  candidates  receiving  the  highest 
number  of  votes  will  be  elected.  In  this  way,  instead  of  four- 
teen geographical  districts  being  represented  in  Congress  by  the 


52  SHORT   BALLOT 

choice  of  the  party  dominant  in  each,  the  fourteen  leading 
poHtical  opinions  held  by  the  voters  of  the  state  of  Massachu- 
Sictts  will  be  represented,  in  most  cases  by  the  ablest  exponent  of 
the  respective  opinions.  Instead  of  about  half  the  voters  of  the 
state  being  unrepresented,  and  the  other  half  in  most  cases 
unsatisfactorily  represented,  as  is  now  the  situation,  nearly  all 
of  the  electors  will  have  as  spokesman  at  Washington  their  first 
choice  among  all  the  citizens  of  the  state. 

What  is  here  stated  of  Massachusetts  will  be  true  of  all  the 
other  states.  Then  our  national  House  of  Representatives  will 
become  the  one  truly  representative  legislature  of  the  world, 
capable  of  handling  the  business  of  the  country  with  a  facility 
and  success  as  yet  undreamed  of  anywhere.  This  perfectly  rep- 
resentative body,  reflecting  accurately  the  convictions  of  the 
people  as  a  whole,  can  get  along  very  well  without  the  Senate, 
which  should  then  be  abolished. 

But,  besides  a  national  government,  society  has  in  the  L^nited 
States  two  other  political  organizationsi,  namely,  the  state  and 
the  municipality.  Each  of  these  three  corporate  bodies  should 
hold  their  elections  separately.  But  in  every  election  the  same 
rule  should  be  followed :  No  elector  should  be  permitted  to  vote 
for  miore  than  one  candidate,  but  he  should  be  entitled  to  take 
his  choice  of  all  the  candidates  in  the  field.  Just  the  number  of 
which  the  legislative  body  had  best  be  composed  is  not  a  matter 
of  principle,  but  must  be  determined  by  experience.  For  a  city 
it  may  be  five,  as  in  the  commission  form  of  city  government, 
or  it  may  be  nine,  as  fixed  upon  by  the  city  of  Boston ;  but  in 
either  event  all  should  be  elected  annually  upon  a  general  ticket, 
land  each  elector  restricted  to  voting  for  one  candidate  out  of 
the  total  number  upon  the  ballot. 

Eventually  an  ideal  election  will  be  conducted  as  follows: 
For  illustration,  make  the  application  to  the  state  of  Rhode 
Island.  Assume  that  it  has  been  agreed  to  abolish  the  house 
of  representatives,  leaving  but  one  body,  the  state  senate,  to  be 
composed,  let  us  say,  of  thirty-six  members. 

Election  day  is  here  and  all  go  to  the  polls.  Each  voter 
knows,  thru  previous  newspaper  advertisements  by  the  state, 
from  sample  ballots  freely  distributed,  and  by  means  of  an 
active  campaign  just  closed,  that  for  the  thirty-six  positions  of 
senator  there  are  fifty  or  more  candidates.  At  the  voting  booth 
he  finds  a  check  list  containing  in  alphabetical  order  the  names 


SHORT   BALLOT  S3 

of  the  qualified  electors  of  his  district,  with  a  blank  space  at  the 
right  of  each  name.  His  sole  duty  as  an  elector  is  to  announce 
viva  voce  the  name  of  the  candidate  of  his  choice  and  see  it 
written  in  the  place  opposite  his  own  name. 

Having  but  one  chance  each  year  to  name  his  chosen  repre- 
sientative,  it  is  very  certain  that  each  elector  will  make  up  his 
mind  after  much  consideration  and  with  due  care.  He  will  be 
very  solicitous  that  his  sole  representative,  the  only  one  to  act 
for  him  in  the  government  of  the  state,  shall  be  the  candidate 
above  all  others  in  whom  he  has  confidence.  Some  men,  no 
doubt,  will  vote  for  a  neighbor  whom  they  know  personally  and 
have  faith  in,  but  more,  surely,  will  select  from  the  list  the 
candidate,  without  regard  to  his  place  of  residence,  whom  he 
deems  the  greatest  and  best  of  all.  Few  can  be  bribed  by  any 
sum  to  vote  for  other  than  their  first  choice,  and  a  briber,  if 
successful  once,  will  be  deserted  by  all  honest  supporters  at  the 
next  election.  No  voter  can  be  kept  away  from  the  polls  by  any 
device  short  of  force.  Interest  in  the  election  and  in  the  returns 
will  be  like  that  manifested  over  a  game  of  baseball  by  the 
enthusiastic  lovers  of  that  sport.  Such  an  election,  instead  of 
being,  as  now,  a  fight,  with  its  exultant  winners  and  its  down- 
cast losers,  will  be  a  great  fair,  in  which  all  will  draw  a  rich 
prize. 

The  thirty-six  candidate  receiving  the  highest  number  of 
votes  would  be  declared  elected.  Each  senator  elected  could, 
and  doubtless  would,  be  supplied  with  a  list  of  the  voters  who 
named  him  as  their  choice.  Not  only  he  himself,  but  his  fellow 
senators  and  the  public,  would  know  the  kind  of  citizens  whom 
he  represented,  and  he  would  be  rated  accordingly.  It  may  be- 
come desirable  that  each  senator,  instead  of  casting  one  vote  only 
in  his  official  capacity,  shall  be  entitled  to  cast  as  many  votes 
upon  any  proposition  coming  before  the  senate  as  were  counted 
for  him  at  the  polls. 

In  limiting  the  entire  political  activity  of  the  qualified  elector 
of  a  state  to  casting  his  vote  for  one  candidate  for  a  single 
office,  it  is  contemplated  that  the  perfectly  representative  senate 
which  results  will  enact  all  statute  laws  and  will  designate  the 
governor  of  the  state.  That  isi  to  say,  the  system  which  has 
been  evolved  for  conducting  the  government  in  the  United  King- 
dom will  be  followed.  As  in  the  case  of  the  prime  minister, 
who  is  designated  as  such  by  the  majority  of  the  British  Parlia- 


S4  SHORT   BALLOT 

ment,  the  governor  so  chosen  would  appoint  the  other  principal 
state  officers,  such  as  secretary  of  state,  attorney-general  and 
general  treasurer,  and  these  would  name  their  subordinates,  as 
provided  by  a  civil  service  law.  It  is  perfectly  safe  to  assume 
that  such  a  state  senate  would  be  so  able  and  so  representative 
as  to  select  officials  and  enact  laws  of  a  very  high  quality. 

The  above  outline  of  a  state  government,  if  correct  in  theory, 
will  in  the  end  be  applied  also  to  the  national  government  and 
to  municipal  government.  So  that,  eventually,  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States  will  be  called  upon  to  vote  for  three  officials  only, 
namely,  his  representatives  in  the  state  legislature,  in  the  na- 
tional legislature  and  in  the  municipal  legislature — the  respective 
legislatures  to  do  the  rest  in  their  several  spheres. 

Manifestly  these  elections  should  be  separate  and  apart  from 
each  other.  The  national  election,  as  now,  might  be  held  in 
November  of  the  even  years;  the  state  electionsi  in  November  of 
the  odd  numbered  years ;  the  municipal  elections  annually,  in 
December  or  in  the  spring. 

If  under  these  conditions,  the  shortest  ballot  imposing  so 
simple  a  duty  upon  each  citizen,  the  people  of  the  United  States 
could  not  provide  themselves  with  satisfactory  government,  then 
must  it  not  be  admitted  that  we  are  inherently  incapable  of 
governing  ourselves?  But  since  we  have  worried  along  some- 
how under  extremely  complicated  and  defective  machinery  of 
elections,  there  can  be  no  question  of  success  with  the  better 
system  in  vogue. 

Equity  Series.     15:84-8.     January,  191 3 

Short    Ballot— What    It    Is— Itsi    Progress    to    Date 

There  is  one  condition  in  American  politics  which  everybody 
now  recognizes  as  an  evil.  The  American  voter  in  every  state, 
in  nearly  every  county,  and  in  most  cities,  is  burdened  with  a 
task  which  he  has  proven  himself  unable  to  perform — the  selec- 
tion of  a  vast  host  of  officials  by  ballot.  In  our  excess  of  enthu- 
siasm over  democracy,  we  have  forgotten  that  the  every-day 
citizen  cannot  be  an  up-to-date,  loose-leaf  encyclopedia  on  the 
qualifications  and  history  of  every  candidate  for  every  office 
which  our  system  makes   elective.     This  is   nothing  to  the  dis- 


SHORT   BALLOT  55 

credit  of  the  voter  himself ;  he  has  more  vital  problemsi  to 
settle  than  who  the  coroner  should  be,  or  who  will  file  away 
the  records  of  real  estate  transfers  at  the  county  court  house. 

Political  scientists  until  recently  have  practically  all  set  down 
this  fact  as  an  incurable  malady.  Newspaper  editors  have  taken 
occasion  after  each  election  to  point  out  the  -imbecility  of  the 
voter  trying  to  master  a  ballot  of  perhaps  hundreds  of  names, 
and  have  then  lapsed  into  silence  on  the  subject  until  the  next 
election.  Lawyers  and  bar  associations  have  regularly  deplored 
the  necessity  for  dragging  the  judges  on  to  the  political  stump. 
And  the  plain  citizens  who  have  had  to  master  these  blanket-like 
ballots  have  gone  away  from  the  polls  disgusted  and  disgruntled. 
All  the  while  the  professional  politicians  have  been  running  the 
government,  not  always  or  perhaps  so  very  often  any  worse  than 
the  people  would  have  done  it,  but  always  thru  an  unofficial, 
irresponsible  second  organization.  Government  by  the  people,  in 
every  real  sense,  in-so-far  as  their  control  over  the  vast  propor- 
tion of  the  officers  is  concerned,  very  largely  ceased.  There  was 
a  pseudo-popular  rule  to  be  sure,  which  is  typified  by  the  party- 
column  ballot.  Theoretically,  the  voter  could  select  forty,  fifty, 
or  even  sixty  officers.  What  actually  happened  in  most  cases, 
was  that  the  voter  put  his  cross  in  the  party  circle  and  let  it 
go  at  that.  Voting  the  straight  ticket  was  so  simple !  And  so 
deceptive!  The  voter  with  just  two  strokes  of  his  pencil,  signed 
away  his  civic  birthright  to  one  or  another  of  the  party  organi- 
zations. 

Direct  primaries  were  expected  to  afford  a  relief,  but  they 
have  proven  a  disappointment  because  they  have  not  made  poli- 
tics simpler,  but  more  complex.  It  is  not  that  the  principle  of 
directness  is  wrong,  but  that  directness  cannot  be  an  assured 
benefit  without  adequate  knowledge. 

Along  came  the  Short  Ballot  movement,  a  little  over  two 
years  ago,  in  an  effort  to  bring  the  editors,  the  professors,  the 
lawyers,  the  plain  citizens  and  the  politicians  face  to  face  with 
the  problem  and  to  solve  it  in  the  interests  of  effective  and  in- 
telligent  citizenship. 

The  friends  of  the  Short  Ballot  idea  began  by  summarizing 
the  evil  of  the  long  ballot  in  these  words : 

"First:  It  submits  to  popular  election  offices  which  are  too 
unimportant  to  attract  (or  deserve)   public  attention;  and 


56  SHORT   BALLOT 

"Second:  It  submits  to  popular  election  so  many  offices  at 
one  time  that  many  of  them  are  inevitably  crowded  out  from 
proper  public  attention;  and 

"Third:  It  submits  to  popular  election  so  many  offices  at 
one  time  as  to  make  the  business  of  ticket-making  too  intricate 
for  popular  participation,  whereupon  some  sort  of  private  polit- 
ical machine  becomes  an  indispensable  instrument  in  electoral 
action." 

If  this  analysis  is  true,  it  is  clear  that  the  average  voter  has 
practically  no  real  chance  to  register  his  opinion  on  public  affairs 
thru  the  choice  of  officials  with  the  exceedingly  important  excep- 
tion of  a  very  few  conspicuous  officers,  who  stand  out  from  the 
others  because  of  their  great  power  or  influence,  and  the  inter- 
esting, understandable  nature  of  their  functions.  The  great 
majority  of  officers  elected  by  ballot  are  now  drawing  salaries 
because  the  head  of  the  ticket  has  carried  the  tail.  The  minor 
officers  on  the  big  ballot,  those  who  perform  clerical,  admini- 
strative and  technical  duties,  are  like  the  stowawaysi  on  an  ocean 
liner;  they  slip  on  board  unnoticed;  they  successfully  conceal 
themselves  during  the  voyage ;  they  arrive  at  their  destination 
without  giving  an  account  of  themselves.  This  is  why  gover- 
nors, mayors  and  other  chief  executives  are  nearly  always  at 
least  presentable  men,  while  the  minor  officers  are  very  often  a 
very  inferior  type  of  political  jobsters. 

The  Short  Ballot  Principle 

Once  the  difficulty  with  the  ballot  is  recognized  in  this  way. 
the  remedy  formulates  itself  in  the  principle  of  the  Sliort  Ballot, 
which  is  defined  as  follows: 

"First:  That  only  those  offices  should  be  elective  which  are 
important  enough  to  attract  (and  deserve)  public  examination. 

"Second:  That  very  few  offices  should  be  filled  by  election 
at  one  time,  so  as  to  permit  adequate  and  unconfused  public 
examination  of  the  candidates,  and  so  as  to  facilitate  the  free 
and  intelligent  making  of  original  tickets  by  any  voter  for  him- 
self, unaided  by  political  specialists." 

This  principle  is  at  the  basis  of  democracy  in  the  cities  of 
Great  Britain  and  the  cities  in  this  country  which  have  adopted 
the  so-called  commission  form  of  government. 

It   is  the   hope   of  those   who   are   leading  the    Short    Ballot 


SHORT   BALLOT  57 

movement,  to  effect  the  necessary  changes  in  the  constitutions 
and  the  statutes  of  the  various  statesi,  which  will  as  rapidly  as 
possible  drive  from  the  ballot  all  purely  administrative,  technical 
and  clerical  officials.  This  would  include  such  officers,  now 
elected  in  many  states,  as  the  secretary  of  state,  state  treasurer, 
state  printer,  attorney-general,  clerks  of  courts,  county  clerks, 
registers  of  deeds  and  surrogates,  city  treasurers,  city  clerks.,  city 
attorneys.  The  pruning  process  might  go  further,  according 
to  the  local  feeling  and  conditions.  In  some  communities  it 
might  be  found  desirable  to  provide  a  method  of  appointment 
for  judgesi.  But  this  is  a  debatable  question  which  will  require 
the  most  careful  scrutiny  before  a  decision  of  any  sort  is  arrived 
at.  The  appointment  method  of  selecting  judges  is  not  a  neces- 
sary part  of  the  Short  Ballot  program. 

Certain  officers,  on  the  contrary,  under  a  democracy  must 
always  remain  elective.  These  are  the  policy  determining  or 
political  officials!,  such  as  the  members  of  a  city  council,  the 
members  of  a  state  legislature,  and  congressmen  and  United 
States  senators. 

The  appointing  power  would  necessarily  fall  into  the  hands 
of  the  "conspicuous"  officials.  This,  does  not  mean,  of  course, 
the  extension  of  the  spoils  system.  Often  it  would  be  necessary 
in  the  application  of  the  Short  Ballot  principle,  to  call  in  the  aid 
of  accessory  principles  such  asi  the  "merit"  system  of  civil  ser- 
vice, which  has  lately  been  perfected  and  is  now  applied  to  such 
high  officials  as  the  public  librarian  in  Chicago  and  the  fire 
chief  in  New  York  City.  A  strict  "corrupt  practices"  law  would 
often  also  be  desirable,  to  prevent  "pernicious  activity"  on  the 
part  both  of  the  appointing  party  and  the  appointee. 

These  devices  will  often  help  to  meet  the  argument  some- 
times made  in  opposition  to  the  Short  Ballot  idea  that  its  advo- 
cates would  establish  a  concentrated,  irresponsible  machine. 
Those  who  raise  this  cry  forget  that  we  have  such  a  machine  at 
the  present  time  in  many  states,  which  unfortunately  is  central- 
ized not  under  conspicuous,  responsible  and  indictable  public 
officers,  but  under  an  entirely  unofficial  and  often  almost  in- 
visible boss  or  "ring."  And  it  is  inconceivable  that  the  Short 
Ballot  ideal  could  be  applied  in  siuch  a  way  as  to  create  a  greater 
oligarchy  in  American  politics  than  the  one  which  exists  at  the 
present  time  in  most  of  the  state  capitals. 


/ 


58  SHORT  BALLOT 

The  First  Fruits 

It  was  in  California  that  the  present  Short  Ballot  move- 
ment, two  years  ago,  first  took  root.  Thanks  to  Governor  Hiram 
W.  Johnson,  who  advocated  the  idea  in  his  messages  and  public 
addresses,  and  to  other  enlightened  public  leaders,  the  legislature 
in  191 1  submitted  to  the  people  four  Short  Ballot  measures.  One 
was  a  constitutional  amendment  which  resulted  in  removing  the 
clerk  of  the  supreme  court  from  the  ballot,  and  getting  him 
under  the  control  of  the  supreme  court.  By  statute  the  sitate 
printer  was  made  an  appointee  of  the  governor.  Another  con- 
stitutional amendment  vested  the  appointment  of  the  railroad 
commissioners  in  the  governor.  Thus,  a  beginning  was  made 
toward  remolding  the  administration  of  the  state  departments 
into  a  compact,  unified  organization  under  the  governor.  Like- 
wise a  county  home-rule  amendment  was  passed,  and  later 
adopted  by  the  people,  which  made  it  possible  for  individual 
counties  to  shorten  their  local  ballot,  in  accordance  with  local 
conditions. 

In  Ohio  the  constitutional  convention,  which  met  in  Janu- 
ary, 1912,  debated,  but  ultimately  rejected  by  a  rather  small 
margin,  a  measure  which  would  have  made  the  principal  admini- 
strative officers  of  the  state  appointive  by  the  governor,  thus 
greatly  shortening  the  enormous  Ohio  ballot  ahd  giving  that 
state  a  sensible  form  of  administration.  Such  a  measure  will 
doubtless  be  submitted  to  the  people  again :  this  time  by  the 
legislature. 

Tlie   Short  Ballot   Cities 

The  most  popular  application  of  the  Short  Ballot  principle,  of 
course,  is  to  be  found  in  the  so-called  commisision  plan  of  city 
government,  which  has  now  become  a  very  familiar  type  thruout 
America.  The  commission  plan,  in  many  instances,  to  be  sure, 
involves  one  or  all  of  several  other  features,  including  election 
at  large,  the  npn-partizan  ballot,  and  the  initiative,  referendum 
and  recall.  But  the  only  features  held  in  common  by  all  com- 
mission-governed cities  are  election  at  large  and  the  Short  Ballot. 
It  is  beyond  question,  then,  that  the  relative  success  of  this  plan 
over  the  older  and  more  usual  type  of  city  government  is  in  very 
great  measure  due  to  the  presence  of  Short  Ballot  conditions. 


SHORT   BALLOT  59 

A  necessary  consequence  of  the  Short  Ballot,  that  is,  the  right 
sort  of  Short  Ballot,  is  that  the  administration  is  unified  and 
brought  under  the  authority  of  a  responsible  head.  It  is  this, 
perhaps,  more  than  anything  else,  which  makes  commission  gov- 
ernment so  superior  to  the  mayor-and-council  plan,  which  has 
been  in  vogue  in  most  of  our  other  cities  until  recently.  Even 
more  strikingly  than  in  the  usual  commission  plan,  the  idea  of 
unification  is  brought  out  in  the  Sumter  or  Lockport  city  man- 
ager plan,  by  which  the  routine  administration  of  the  city  is 
brought  under  the  control  of  a  single  appointive  expert,  who  in 
turn  is  responsible  to  the  representative  elective  body,  the  city 
council. 

The  success-  of  all  administrative  bodies  in  all  times  has 
required  some  such  unification  and  responsible  headship.  More 
than  ever,  these  considerations  take  on  weight  in  this  day  of 
scientific  "eflficiency"  principles.  Standardization,  which  is  at  the 
root  of  efficiency  and  economy  in  organization,  can  only  be 
brought  about  where  there  is  a  real  head,  who  can  insist  on  his 
(or  their)  instructions  being  carried  out.  This  principle,  of 
course,  holds  good  for  the  states  and  counties,  just  as  it  does  for 
cities. 

Up  to  date  about  210  cities  thruout  the  country  have  adopted 
commission  government,  and  so  far  none  has  seriously  con- 
sidered a  return  to  the  old  plan.^  Not  that  the  commission  plan 
is  an  ideal  type  of  city  government  by  any  means ;  but  it  has 
shown  indubitably  the  capacity  of  American  citizens  to  act  wisely 
and  effectively  when  the  conditions  of  citizenship  are  reduced  to 
a  point  where  the  average  voter  can  investigate  and  remember 
the  qualifications  of  his  representatives!  in  office.  The  voters  fn 
commission  governed  cities  do  not  need  the  assistance  of  a  boss. 
That  functionary's  occupation  is  gone. 

The  growth  of  commission  government  hasi  been  facilitated 
by  optional  state-wide  laws  by  which  cities  may  adopt  the  com- 
mission form  by  referendum  vote.  Such  laws  are  on  the  statute 
books  of  Alabama,  California,  Idaho,  Illinois,  Iowa,  Kansas, 
Kentucky,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Montana,  Nebraska,  New  Jer- 
sey,  North  Dakota,   South  Dakota,  Washington,  Wisconsin  and 

1  Attempts  in  the  past  year  have  been  made  by  local  politicians  to 
force  a  city  to  revert  to  its  old  form  of  government.  In  each  case  (Hutch- 
inson. Kan.;  Baker,  Ore.,  and  Spokane,  Wash.)   the  effort  failed. 


6a  SHORT   BALLOT 

Wyoming.  This  list  does  not  include  all  the  "home-rule"  states. 
Among  the  states  which  earnestly  desire  Stuch  laws  are  New 
York,  Ohio,  Missouri,  Virginia,  Pennsylvania  and  Indiana. 

The    Wider  Organized  Movement 

The  spread  of  the  Short  Ballot,  both  in  its  application  to  the 
commission  plan  and  its  wider  significance,  has  been  due  in  large 
part  to  the  organized  efforts  of  The  National  Short  Ballot 
Organization.  It  isi  not  an  exaggeration  to  say  that  practically 
every  independent  newspaper  and  magazine  in  the  United  States 
not  only  favors  the  Short  Ballot,  but  at  one  time  or  another  has 
said  so  in  an  effective  way  thru  its  editorial  columns.  Fully  one 
hundred  professors  of  political  science  in  American  colleges  are 
teaching  the  Short  Ballot  principle  by  means  of  the  pamphlets 
publisihed  by  this  organization. 

The  theory  has  gained  practically  universal  acceptance.  It 
remains  for  the  theory  to  be  transmuted  into  definite  legislative 
measures.  This,  of  course,  can  only  be  done  by  citizens  who 
are  thoroly  familiar  with  the  local  conditions  which  they  intend 
to  meet. 

It  has  been  shown  above  how,  in  state  government,  the  idea 
would  be  applied  according  to  the  programs  laid  out  in  Ohio  and 
California.  Following  closely  the  lines  laid  down  in  these  states, 
the  Chicago  City  Club's  committee  on  the  Short  Ballot  (Mr.  E. 
H.  Cassels,  chairman.  The  Rookery,  Chicago),  has  prepared  a 
program  for  Illinois.  The  Short  Ballot  Organization  in  Now 
York  state  has  been  conducting  a  campaign  along  similar  lines. 

So  far  as  the  state  administration  is  concerned,  the  way  to 
the  application  of  the  Short  Ballot  idea  seems  fairly  clear.  It  is 
simply  a  case  of  putting  the  minor  state  administrative  officials 
directly  under  the  control  of  the  governor.  Their  appointment 
should  not  be  made  subject  to  the  confirmation  of  the  senate  or 
anybody  else.  The  governor  should  be  held  responsible ;  he 
should  be  made  to  stand  or  fall  by  his  record.  Of  coursie,  the 
time  will  come  when  more  radical  measures  may  be  proposed ; 
such,  i)erhaps,  as  the  one  voted  on  in  Oregon  at  the  November 
election,  which  will  provide  iov  a  state  legislature  of  only  one 
house,  the  members  of  which  will  be  chosen  by  a  system  of  pro- 
portional representation.  And  here  it  may  be  remarked,  in 
jjarentliesis,    that    this    system   points    the    way    toward    a    Short 


SHORT   BALLOT  61 

Ballot,    wherever   a   number    of  purely   political   officers,   having 
precisely  the  same  functions,  are  chosen  from  the  same  district. 

Short   Ballot    Counties 

In  county  government  the  way  to  the  Short  Ballot  is  less 
obvious.  California  will  prove  an  experiment  station  in  this 
subject,  because  of  the  opportunities  offered  in  the  county  home- 
rule  amendment  referred  to  above.  In  one  county  (Los  An- 
geles) wdiich  has  just  availed  itself  of  the  privilege  of  drafting 
and  adopting  a  charter,  a  most  interesting  application  of  the 
Short  Ballot  idea  has  been  worked  out.  Under  the  plan  em- 
bodied in  this  document,  most  of  the  elective  officers  of  the 
county  would  become  appointees  of  the  county  board  of  super- 
visors, subject  to  civil  service  examination,  and  hold  office  during 
the  pleasure  of  the  board  of  supervisors.  The  sheriff  and  dis- 
trict attorney  are  retained  on  the  elective  list  because  they  are 
state  judicial  officers.  Many  interesting  features  appear  in  this 
charter,  including  the  provision  for  the  appointment  of  con- 
stables by  the  sheriff,  thus  providing  a  unified  constabulary 
system  instead  of  the  two  warring  sets  of  peace  officers  under 
the  old  state  law.  The  people  of  Los  Angeles  adopted  this 
instrument  on  November  5th. 

Thru  theory  and  experiment,  a  way  will  be  found  to  apply 
the   principle  of  simplification  to  every  unit  of  government. 

Responsibility   of   the   Parties 

Just  at  present  one  of  the  most  encouraging  features  in  recent 
months  is  the  support  of  the  party  organizations  in  many  of  the 
states.  A  review  of  the  state  platforms  of  the  various  parties 
shows  that  in  Ohio  and  Illinois  all  three  leading  parties  favor 
the  Short  Ballot  idea.  In  each  of  the  states  of  Colorado,  Iowa, 
Nebraska,  New  York,  Missouri,  Pennsylvania  and  LTtah,  one  or 
more  of  the  platforms  favor,  recommend  or  demand  it.  In 
addition  to  the  platform  expression,  the  three  leading  presi- 
dential candidates  this  j-ear  have  given  their  support.  Presi- 
dent-elect Wilson  has  been  president  of  The  National  Short 
Ballot  Organization  since  its  beginning.  Mr.  Roosevelt  vigor- 
ously preached  the  idea  in  his  speech  before  the  constitutional 
convention  at  Columbus.  Mr.  Taft  referred  to  it  very  kindly 
in  his  speech  of  acceptance  of  the  Republican  nomination. 


62  •  SHORT   BALLOT 

The  people  this  year  expect  these  platform  promises  to  be 
taken  seriously.  The  Short  Ballot  idea  is  a  very  definitely 
understood  thing.  //  is  not  a  device  to  save  paper  but  to  cau- 
se fz'e  citizenship. 

The  National  Short  Ballot  Organization  maintains  an  office 
at  383  Fourth  Avenue,  New  York  Citj',  for  the  express  purpose 
of  helping  any  and  every  citizen  who  is  interested  in  any  phase 
of  the  question.  It  welcomes  every  opportunity  to  place  its 
literature  in  the  hands  of  such  persons,  and  to  give  more  special 
assistance.     It  does  not  profit  financially  in  any  of  its  enterprises. 


STATE  GOVERNMENT 

Equity   Series.     15:100-2.     April,    1913 

Future    State   Government 

The  city,  the  state,  the  nation ;  or  the  nation,  the  state,  the 
city.  Consider  these  three  entities  in  either  of  the  above  rota- 
tions, or  both  rotations.  Until  recent  years  our  most  conspicu- 
ous failure  in  government  was  in  city  government.  The  mar- 
velous growth  of  cities,  the  concentration  of  wealth  in  cities, 
emphasized  the  crudity  of  our  plan  of  city  government,  and 
revealed  many  tempting  prizes  to  the  scheming  grafter.  He  was 
surprised  at  their  richness  and  the  ease  by  which  he  could  get 
them.  Great  scandalsi  inevitably  followed.  During  recent  years 
much  of  the  best  talent  in  our  country  has  been  devoted  to  the 
science  of  municipal  government,  and  the  corruption  of  the  past 
has  been  greatly  reduced  and  it  is  now  rapidly  disappearing.  The 
rise  and  phenomenal  spread  of  the  commission  government  plan, 
carrying  with  it  the  local  application  of  the  initiative,  referendum 
and  recall,  is  a  very  important  part  of  and  cause  of  the  great 
improvement  we  have  seen  in  municipal  government  during 
the  past  few  j'ears. 

The  commission  plan  is  a  very  great  improvement  on  the  old 
plan  of  municipal  government.  But  it  is  not  j-et  perfect.  Real- 
izing the  importance  of  plans  and  methods,  the  best  talent  is 
now  being  devoted  to  improving  and  perfecting  what  has  proven 
to  be  a  good  plan.  The  cry  is  no  longer  "elect  better  men,"'  but 
fiud  the  best  plan. 

This  magazine  is  devoted  to  plansi  and  methods  of  govern- 
ment ;  so  it  is  not  strange  that  the  earliest  observations!  of  the 
faulty  character  of  our  present  plan  of  state  government,  and 
suggestions  for  its  improvement  have  had  their  first  expression 
in  these  columns.  Our  states  are  all  governed  on  the  same 
general  plan  of  our  national  government:  a  chief  executive;  a 
legislative  branch  consisting  of  two  houses;  the  upper  house 
presided  over  b}-  the  vice  chief  executive  (vice-president,  lieu- 
tenant-governor) ;  a  supreme  court.     It  would  have  been  better 


64  SHORT  BALLOT 

if  the  states  had  copied  the  appointive  cabinet  also,  instead  of 
making  the  state  officers  elective. 

This  year  is  seeing  40  state  legislatures  in  session,  from  1,000 
to  3,000  bills  introduced  in  each,  and  some  of  the  sessions 
limited  to  60  days.  Most  legislatures  consist  chiefly  of  crude 
material,  and  here  the  political  expert — the  expert  not  in  the 
best  sensie  of  the  term — finds  his  opportunity.  In  most  states, 
cities  are  held  in  close  bondage  to  the  legislature,  and  this  links 
the  city  corruptionist  to  the  legislature  and  state  government. 
This  union  is  an  evil  to  both,  the  cities  on  one  side  and  the 
state  government  on  the  other. 

Some  yearsi  ago,  as  soon  as  the  success  of  the  commission 
plan  of  city  government  was  demonstrated,  this  magazine  sug- 
gested some  similar  plan  for  state  government,  and  we  have 
reiterated  this  idea  from  time  to  time.  We  have  been  glad  to  see 
the  idea  "take  roof  here  and  there,  and  we  predict  that  it  will 
soon  become  widespread.  Unfortunately,  we  have  not  yet  a  re- 
modeled state  government  to  point  to  as  an  example,  but  we 
have  a  sufficient  theoretical  basis  for  the  present,  and  that  basis 
is  becoming  firmer  and  more  perfect,  as  municipalities  are  per- 
fecting the  commission  plan  and  proving  its  worth. 

The  new  model  of  state  government  will  come,  not  thru 
constitutional  changes  suggested  and  submitted  by  legislatures, 
for  we  cannot  expect  legislatures  to  commit  suicide.  It  will 
come  by  way  of  state  constitutional  conventions.  Many  states 
are  now  contemplating  constitutional  conventions,  but  they  do 
not  know  that  they  are  facing  the  consideration  of  radical 
changes  in  state  government.  We  hope  that  these  conventions 
will  not  come  too  soon  nor  too  rapidly,  for  municipal  govern- 
ment has  not  yet  been  developed  to  the  degree  of  perfection  that 
would  present  a  suliliciently  good  model  for  the  inevitable  state 
government  of  the  future. 

However,  it  does  not  require  a  prophet  of  nnich  insight  into 
the  future  to  state  the  following :  The  state  government  of 
the  future  will  not  consist  of  "three  independent  branches,  execu- 
tive, legislative  and  judicial."  This  gray  and  grizzly  heap,  and 
the  powers  of  the  future  state  government  will  be  closely  and 
organically  united,  with  no  divided  and  shifting  responsibilities. 
This  is  prophesy  No.  i,  and  perhaps  mo.sit  important,  because  so 
comprehensive. 

Prophesy  No.  2  is,  that  the  legislative  functions  of  the  state 


SHORT   BALLOT  65 

government  of  tlie  future  will  not  consist  of  two  houses  made 
up  mostly  of  men  not  only  inexperienced  in  law-making,  but 
unprepared  for  that  trying  work,  and  sitting  for  a  limited  period, 
during  which  time  far  too  many  laws,  necessarily  "uncooked"  or 
"half-baked,"  are  rushed  thru.  The  future  state  legislative  body 
must  necessarily  be  a  single  body  and  a  small  body,  not  only 
carefully  selected,  but  so  selected  as  to  truly  represent  the  elec- 
torate of  the  state — not  so  much  the  territorial  sections  of  the 
state  as  the  interests  and  ideals  of  the  electorate,  regardless  of 
geographic  sections.  It  is  not  the  trees  and  rail  fences  in  a 
county  that  deserve  representation,  but  the  voters  of  the  county; 
and  some  of  the  voters  of  one  county  may  wish  to  unite  with 
voters  of  similar  ideals  in  other  counties,  even  tho  distant.  Plans 
are  constantly  discussed  in  this  magazine  that  will  give  true 
representation,  regardless  of  distance  or  territory.  Such  a  body 
— call  it  a  commission,  council,  board  of  governors,  or  what 
you  please — will  be  adequately  paid,  and  will  be  in  constant 
service.  It  will  not  be  bothered  with  local  matters.  Citiesi, 
towns  and  counties  will  be  entirely  free  to  manage  their  own 
affairs,  subject  only  to  general  laws  of  the  state — and  these  gen- 
eral laws  will  always  favor  local  freedom,  except  where  state 
interests  are  involved,  or  where  certain  regulations  will  secure 
uniformity  and  serve  the  interests  of  all.  This  body  will  pro- 
mulgate but  few  laws,  and  no  bill  will  become  a  law  until  after 
opportunity  for  the  fullest  discussion.  This  body  will  always 
be  subject  to  the  initiative  and  the  recall,  and  itsi  acts  will 
always  be  subject  to  the  referendum — but  perhaps  the  best  refer- 
endum will  be  the  careful  submission  of  every  bill  to  every 
interest  it  touches  and  to  the  press,  with  ample  time  for  their 
discussion,  before  the  bill  becomes,  a  law.  We  hope  the  time 
may  thus  come  when  the  initiative,  referendum  and  recall  would 
fall  into  "innocuous  desuetude,"  because  representation  would 
be  so  perfect  that  the  I.  R.  and  R.  would  not  be  needed ;  but 
they  should  always  exist  as  primary  rights,  to  be  used  whenever 
necessary. 

Is  this  a  flight  of  fancy  or  a  true  prophesy?  A  few  years 
will  prove.  And  this  is  only  a  part  of  the  story.  The  admini- 
strative officers  will  be  appointive,  not  elective — appointed  for 
experience  and  proved  fitness — maybe  from  some  distant  state 
or  country.  The  leader  of  the  Philadelphia  orchestra  wasi  gotten 
from  Germany.    Why  should  not  the  managers  of  a  state  have 


66  SHORT   BALLOT 

a  world-wide  choice  in  selecting  specialized  talent  for  the  service 
of  the  state?  The  judiciary  will  probably  be  appointive,  and  not 
"separate,  distinct  and  independent"  of  everybody  else.  It  will 
be  an  intimate  and  vital  part  of  the  state  government,  and  like 
all  other  parts  of  the  public  service,  it  will  be  subject  to  the 
dominant  will. 

Municipal  and  county  government  will  grow  in  scope,  impor- 
tance and  independence,  thus  cutting  off  much  with  which  the 
state  government  now  deals,  but  the  separation  will  benefit  both 
the  state  and  the  localities.  During  future  years  the  national 
government  is  sure  to  encroach  upon  present  state  functions. 
Thus  the  state  will  apparently  shrink  between  two  growing 
forces ;  but  the  shrinking  will  only  be  apparent.  Differentiations 
between  the  spheres  appropriate  for  each  will  grow  clearer  ?s 
times  goes  on,  and  the  result  will  be  the  best  service  to  the  indi- 
vidual in  his  various  relations. 

I  did  not  expect  to  say  so  much  at  the  present  time.  Nor 
do  I  expect  to  see  my  dream  realized  with  undue  haste,  nor 
in  perfection  without  long,  tedious  and  possibly  painful  experi- 
ence. There  is  a  vague  feeling  in  the  popular  mind  that  the 
present  state  constitutions  are  not  right — antiquated.  There  is 
sentiment  in  many  states  for  constitutional  conventions.  T  he 
evolution  above  ventured  will  come  by  way  of  state  constitu- 
tional conventionsi.  Indiana  has  one  of  the  most  antiquated  con- 
stitutions. In  November,  1914,  the  voters  will  decide  the  ques- 
tion of  calling  a  constitutional  convention.  Pennsylvania  may 
possibly  vote  on  the  same  question  in  November,  1913.  Consti- 
tutional conventions  are  possible  in  the  near  future  in  New 
Jersey,  New  York,  Illinois  and  possibly  some  other  states.  The 
writer  hopes  they  will  not  come  too  fast. 

The  State  of  Kansas,  Governor's  Office 

Topeka,  M[arch  10,  1913. 

To  the  I.ci^islotiirt'  of  Ihc  State  of  Kansas: 

As  the  legislative  duties  of  the  Legislature  of  1913  draw 
to  a  close,  I  desire  to  congratulate  the  members  of  both 
branches  on  the  magnificent  work  which  they  have  accomplished. 
I  believe  that  I  am  justified  in  saying  that  you  have  worked 
liardcr    and    accomplished    more    than    any    legislature    in    recent 


SHORT   BALLOT  67 

years.  Almost  every  pledge  you  made  to  the  people  last  year 
has  been  fulfilled. 

But  I  am  convinced  that  this  magnificent  record  is  due 
rather  to  the  efficient  membership  of  this  legislature  than  to  the 
system. 

In  common  with  a  large  and  growing  number  of  thoughtful 
people.  I  am  persuaded  that  the  instrumentalities!  for  legislation 
provided  for  in  our  state  constitution  have  become  antiquated 
and  inefficient.  Our  system  is  fashioned  after  the  English 
parliament,  with  its  two  houses  based  upon  the  distinction 
between  the  nobility  and  the  common  people,  each  house  repre- 
senting the  divers  interests  of  these  classes.  No  such  reason 
exists  in  this  state  for  a  dual  legislative  system,  and  even  in 
England  at  the  present  time  the  dual  system  has  been  practically 
abandoned  and  the  upper  house  shorn  of  its  importance,  and  I 
believe  that  we  should  now  concern  ourselves  in  devising  a 
system  for  legislating  that  will  give  us  more  efficiency  and 
quicker  response  to  the  demands  of  our  economic  and  social 
conditions  and  to  the  will  of  the  people. 

I  have  been  led  to  this  conclusion  by  an  experience  of  eight 
years  as  a  member  of  the  Senate  of  this  state  and  my  convic- 
tions on  this  subject  are  by  no  means  of  recent  date.  As  far 
back  as  March  12,  191 1,  in  an  interview-  printed  in  one  of  the 
great  dailies,  I  advocated  that  our  present  legislative  system  be 
abandoned  and  that  a  legislative  assembly  of  thirty  members 
from  thirty  legislative  districts,  under  the  check  of  the  recall, 
be  provided  for  in  its  place.  The  suggestion  made  at  that  time 
met  with  much  favorable  comment,  and  I  firmly  believe  that 
there  is  a  growing  public  opinion  in  its  favor. 

You  senators  and  representatives  cannot  but  have  observed 
the  defects  of  our  present  system.  In  a  short  session  of  fifty 
days  you  are  required  to  study  and  passi  upon  hundreds  of 
measures,  and  the  hurry  with  which  this  must  be  done  must 
of  necessity  result  in  a  number  of  more  or  less  crude  and  ill- 
digested  law^s,  which  often  puzzle  learned  jurists  to  interpret 
with  anything  like  satisfaction  to  themselves  or  to  the  public. 
Hundreds  of  measures  also,  embodying  important  legislation, 
die  on  the  calendar  every  two  years.  After  a  brief  session,  the 
legislature  adjourns  and  the  business  of  one  coordinate  branch 
of  the  state  government  is  absolutely  abandoned  for  a  whole 
biennium,   unless   the   legislature   is   convoked    in    an    expensive 


68  SHORT  BALLOT 

extraordinary  session  by  the  governor.  It  is  as  if  the  head  of 
an  important  department  of  some  other  "big  businesis"  should 
give  only  fifty  days  every  two  years  to  its  management. 

I  am  aware  of  the  veneration  with  which  ancient  institutions 
are  regarded  in  some  quarters,  but  I  see  no  reason  why  we 
should  cling  to  these  institutions  in  carrying  on  the  all-impor- 
tant affairsi  of  the  state,  when  in  almost  every  other  activity  of 
life  we  are  discarding  old  traditions  and  antiquated  methods  for 
newer  and  progressive  ideas  and  more  efficient  and  economic 
methods.  This  legislature  has  itself  discarded  the  antiquated 
and  inefficient  methods  of  managing  the  business  of  our  big 
state  institutions  and  has  concentrated  the  responsibility  in  the 
hands  of  a  few  instead  of  many  boards — in  a  word,  has  applied 
to  them  the  principle  of  government  by  commission.  We  have 
recognized  in  thisi  state  also  that  the  old  methods  of  city  gov- 
ernment are  expensive,  inefficient  and  unsatisfactory,  and  every- 
where the  commission  plan  of  city  government  is  being  adopted, 
and  in  almost  every  case  is  yielding  high-class  results. 

For  myself,  I  can  see  no  good  reason  why  this  new  idea  of 
government  by  commission  should  not  be  adopted  for  the  trans- 
action of  the  business  of  the  state.  Two  years  ago  I  suggested 
a  single  legislative  assembly  of  thirty  members  from  thirty 
legislative  districts.  I  am  now  inclined  to  believe  that  this  num- 
ber is  too  large,  and  that  a  legislative  assembly  of  one,  or  at 
most  two,  from  each  congressional  district  would  be  amply 
large.  My  judgment  is  that  the  governor  should  be  ex  officio 
a  member  and  presiding  officer  of  this  assembly,  and  that  it 
should  be  permitted  to  meet  in  such  frequent  and  regular  or 
adjourned  sessions  as  the  exigencies  of  the  public  business'  may 
demand ;  that  their  terms  of  office  be  for  four  or  six  years, 
and  that  they  be  paid  salaries  sufficient  to  justify  them  in  devot- 
ing their  entire  time  to  the  public  bu&iness.  Such  a  legislative 
assembly  would  not,  I  believe,  be  more  expensive  than  our 
present  system.  It  would  centralize  responsibility  and  account- 
ability, and  under  the  check  of  the  recall  would  be  quickly 
responsive  to  the  wishes  of  the  people. 

A  legislative  assembly  such  as  1  have  suggested  could  give 
ample  time  to  the  consideration  of  every  measure,  not  only  in 
relation  to  its  subject  matter,  but  to  the  drafting  of  it  in  plain, 
concise  and  easily  understandable  language.  It  would  be  ready 
at  any  time  to  deal   with  new   conditions  and  to  provide  relief 


SHORT    BALLOT  69 

in  emergency  cases,  and,  with  time  to  inform  itself  about  con- 
ditions, and  to  study  the  needs  of  the  people,  and  of  our  state 
institutions,  there  seems  to  me  to  be  no  question  but  what  it 
would  be  vastly  more  efficient  than  our  present  system,  as  well 
as  vastly  more  economical. 

Our  present  system  has  been  in  vogue  since  Kansas  became  a 
state,  more  than  fifty  years  ago,  and  in  that  time  we  have  seen 
the  most  remarkable  changes  in  sociological  and  economic  con- 
ditions take  place.  No  private  business  now  uses  the  methods 
of  fifty  years  ago.  In  every  activity  of  modern  life  new  and 
progressive  methods  have  been  adopted.  By  "progressive"  I 
do  not  mean  any  visionary  scheme  of  government,  but  the  exer- 
cise of  that  sane,  sober  and  wise  judgment  which  is  always 
ready  to  throw  away  antiquated  rtiachinery  and  methods  and 
adopt  the  latest,  most  efficient,  most  beneficient  and  most  eco- 
nomical instrumentalities  for  accomplishing  the  greatest  good, 
whether  it  be  in  public  or  in  private  affairs. 

Is  there  any  good  reason  why  political  institutions  should  not 
change  with  the  changing  demands  of  modern  social  and  eco- 
nomic conditions?  I  believe  not.  The  leaven  of  this  new  idea 
of  modern  business  methods  for  modern  public  business  has 
taken  root  in  the  public  mind.  The  people  are  everywhere  talk- 
ing it  over,  and  I  am  one  of  those  who  believe  that  the  people 
can  be  trusted  to  reach  correct  conclusions  about  their  own 
public  business  when  they  are  given  adequate  opportunity  to 
study  and  discuss  any  subject.  As  Wendell  Phillips  said,  "The 
people  always  mean  right,  and  in  the  end  they  will  have  it 
right."'  The  people  of  Kansas  are  progressive ;  they  know  what 
they  want ;  and  give  them  a  chance  at  the  ballot  box  and  they 
will  get  it.  I  am  not  in  sympathy  with  the  idea  that  any  public 
officer  knows  better  than  the  people  themselves  what  they  want. 

I  am  not  asking  at  this  time  that  any  legislative  action  be 
taken  on  this  subjept,  but  am  calling  your  attention  to  this 
subject  now  that  you  may  carry  back  to  your  people  the  idea 
herein  expressed  arid  talk  it  over  with  them  for  the  next  two 
years,  to  the  end  that  when  you  come  back  to  these  halls  at 
that  time  you  may  know  and  be  of  a  mind  to  execute  the  will 
of  the  people  of  this  state  on  this  subject. 

I  want  to  thank  the  members  of  the  legislature  of  1913  for 
their  sincere  and  earnest  efforts  to  legislate  for  the  best  interests 
of  the   state,    and   for    the   uniform   courtesy   which   they   have 


i 


70  SHORT   BALLOT 

extended    to    me,    and    to    assure    them    of    the    high    personal' 
regard  in  which  1  hold  each  and  every  senator  and  representa- 
tive. Respect  full}-  submitted, 

Geo.  H.  Hodges,  Governor. 

Equity  Series.     15:  203-6.     October,  1913 

New   Type   of    State   Government 

What  shall  it  be  ?^  The  only  thing  certain  is  that  the  present 
state  constitutions  will  be  superseded  by  something  different. 
What  this  different  thing  shall  be,  or  in  what  ways  it  shall  be 
different  from  the  present  form  of  state  government,  is  not 
agreed  upon  at  the  present  time.  Governor  O'Neal,  of  Alabama, 
advocates  greater  power  to  the  executive.  Many,  by  analogy, 
advocate  a  commisision  form  of  state  governments  similar  to 
the  now  established  commission  form  of  city  government.  Some 
advocate  the  improvement  in  the  commission  form  of  city. gov- 
ernment known  as  the  "city  manager"  plan,  applied  to  states, 
which  would  be  the  "state  manager"  plan. 

Thinkers  have  been  engaged  on  this  problem  only  a  com- 
paratively short  time,  and  probably  an  infinite  variety  of  pro- 
posals will  be  made.  However,  let  us  consider  principles  and  not 
details,  and  we  shall  see  that  varieties  will  not  be  so  numerous. 

In  the  first  place,  the  new  government  must  be  representative 
of  the  people,  and  readily  responsive  to  the  people's  wishes.  The 
present  method  of  district  representation,  and  majority  repre- 
sentation, is  only  crudely  representative.  Many  considerable 
blocks  of  voters  are  not  represented  at  all.  The  L.  R.  and  R. 
grafted  on  the  old  form  of  state  government  makes  it  vastly 
more  responsive  to  the  wishes  of  the  people  than  before,  but 
yet,  with  the  old  crude  methods  of  choosing  representatives,  and 
the  old  inefficient  plan  of  government,  state  government  is  still 
imsatisfactory.  The  old  frame  of  government  must  be  put  aside, 
and  a  new  one  sought. 

The  commission  form,  in  which  each  commissioner  has  an 
administrative  department,  is  now  recognized  as  being  defective, 
because  of  the  difficulty  of  selecting  technical  talent  by  popular 
elections.  For  cities,  the  "city  manager"  plan  is  now  regarded 
with  more  favor  than  the  purely  commission  form,  the  difference 
being  that  the  commission  is  a  legislative  body  only,  except  that 


SHORT   BALLOT  71 

it  also  selects  a  city  manager,  who  selects  the  city  administrative 
officers,  who  serve  under  him,  but  all  are  responsible  to  the 
commission.  This  looks  like  getting  far  away  from  democracy ; 
and  so  it  would  be  if  the  L,  R.  and  R.  were  not  regarded  as  a 
necessary  part  of  this  plan.  Without  the  "democratic  trinity,"  this 
plan  would  be  highly  aristocratic  and  unresponsive  to  popular 
demands,  and  might  lead  to  greater  corruption  and  machine  rule 
than  we  have  had  in  the  past.  But  the  initiative,  referendum 
and  recall  give  popular  control,  while  the  concentration  of  power 
conduces  to  efficiency. 

But  will  the  ideas  expressed  in  the  preceding  paragraph, 
which  are  working  out  so  successfully  in  tity  government,  "fit" 
state  government?  Perhaps  experience  will  finally  be  called 
upon  to  decide,  but  theoretically  there  are  reasons  for  doubt.  It 
is  not  well  to  jump  to  a  conclusion  that  a  plan  which  works 
well  in  one  field  of  government  must  necessarily  work  well  in 
another  kind  of  a  field. 

City  Cliartei's  and  State  Constitutions 
A  city  charter  and  a  state  constitution  are  very  different 
things.  A  radical  political  difference  between  a  state  and  a  city 
is  that  a  state  has  inherent  or  original  political  power;  while  a 
city  has  only  the  powers  and  privileges  that  are  given  to  it  by 
the  state.  However,  this  fact  does  not  help  us  to  determine 
what  form  of  government  will  be  most  successful  in  either, 
provided  the  city  is  given  full  freedom  to  select  a  form  of  gov- 
ernment. 

Territorial  extent  is  the  most  striking  difference  between  a 
city  and  a  state,  and  this  may  or  may  not  help  to  determine 
the  best  form  of  government  suitable  to  each.  The  people  of  a 
city  may  be  as  heterogeneous  as  the  people  of  a  state,  or  even 
more  so.  The  interests  of  a  city  may  be  as  diversified  as  those 
of  a  state.  But  territorial  remoteness  of  one  interest  from 
another  in  a  state  makes  regional  representation  in  a  state  gov- 
ernment more  important  than  in  a  city  government.  Hence, 
while  the  "general  ticket"  or  "at  large"  plan  of  electing  repre- 
sentatives! in  cities  has  succeeded  fairly  well,  it  is  not  favored 
for  states.  However,  proportional,  or  exact  representation, 
achieved  by  means  of  the  single  transferable  ballot,  will  give 
much  truer  representation  of  the  people  of  a  state  than  regional 
representation. 


12  SHORT   BALLOT  s 

I 

The  problems  of  government  in  a  state  are  quite  diflFerent 
from  those  of  a  city.  The  government  of  a  city  "touches"  its 
citizens  much  more  frequently  and  more  intimately  than  the  state 
government  does.  Such  vital  things  as  water  and  light,  either 
supplied  or  controlled  by  the  city  government,  enter  every  home 
of  the  city.  Every  time  we  step  out  upon  the  street  the  city  gov- 
ernment "touches"  us  in  the  condition  of  the  streets,  public  order 
upon  the  streets,  the  regulation  of  local  transportation,  etc.  The 
chief  functions  of  the  state  are  supervisional,  rather  than  the  sup- 
plying of  services.  The  state  says  what  corporations  may  or  may 
not  do.  It  establishes  standards  for  education,  public  order,  the 
administration  of  justice,  etc.  Itsi  functions  have  recently  ex- 
panded in  the  direction  of  regulating  railroads,  building  and 
maintaining  public  highways,  and  other  broad  services  not  for- 
merly attempted.  It  maintains  penal  and  eleemosynary  institu- 
tions, and  many  states  are  now  rapidly  expanding  along  the  line 
of  public  health  activities.  There  seems  to  be  scarcely  any  limit 
to  what  a  state  may  do,  but  it  seems  to  be  certain  that  a  state 
will  never  supply  those  intimate  services  that  a  city  does,  as 
the  care  of  streets,  the  supply  of  water,  light,  etc. 

Here  is  indicated  the  type  of  mind  required  to  deal  intelli- 
gently and  ably  with  state  problems.  We  also  know  the  con- 
dition of  unpreparedness  of  the  average  state  legislator;  also 
the  haste  and  excitement  during  the  brief  legislative  terms — 
conditions  favorable  to  crude  and  hasty  legislation,  and  the 
supremacy  of  political  machines. 

Commission  governed  cities  require  constant  service  of  the 
commissioners,  who  are  the  makers  and  the  administrators  of 
ordinances.  In  "city  manager"  citiesi,  ordinances  are  made  by 
the  commission,  and  they  are  administered  by  the  commission's 
agents  (the  city  manager  and  his  appointees),  who  are  under 
the  complete  control  of  the  commission.  This  simple  machinery 
takes  the  place  of  the  awkward  and  bunglesome  common  council, 
select  council,  mayor  and  numerous  elected  city  officers.  If  this 
means  anything  in  the  way  of  an  improved  state  government,  it 
means  a  simplified  state  government  essentially  as  follows:  A 
small,  siiugle-body  legislature,  in  constant  service,  with  sufficient 
compensation  to  attract  the  best  talent,  and  appointed  rather  than 
elected  state  administrative  officers. 

The  old-fashioned  city  charters  are  rapidly  being  laid  aside 
for  the  new  type  above  mentioned.     The  laying  aside  of  the  old- 


SHORT   BALLOT  73 

■fashioned  state  constitutions  for  a  new  type  must  soon  begin. 
And  we  hope  that  the  new  type  of  state  constitution  will  be 
confined  to  the  frame  of  government,  and  not  contain  any  legis- 
lation. A  constitution  should  direct  how  laws  shall  be  made, 
and  laws  themselves  should  be  made  only  bythe  process  there 
described.  Making  laws  is  a  serious  business,  and  it  should  be 
a  deliberate  process.  Therefore,  it  should  not  be  done  by  a 
miscellaneous  lot  of  men,  without  preparation  for  such  a 
responsible  task,  in  a  session  limited  to  40,  60  or  90  days  every 
two  years,  under  no  control  except  that  of  the  political  machine. 

The  Old  State  Dignitaries 

What  shall  become  of  our  accustomed  state  dignitaries,  the 
turbulent  house  and  senate,  etc.  ?  They  can  well  be  spared, 
if  we  can  devise  a  better  plan  of  state  government.  And  can't 
we?  We  are  rapidly  improving  our  city  governments,  where 
centred  the  greatest  corruption,  the  weakest  part  of  the  Ameri- 
can system  of  government.  Can  we  not  improve  our  state  gov- 
ernments, against  which  the  chief  complaints  are  awkwardness 
and  inefficiency? 

We  want  efficiency.  How  shall  we  get  it?  Evidently  from 
a  small  body  of  men  prepared  for  their  duties.  We  want  the 
mind  and  desires  of  the  people  truly  represented.  This  can  be 
done  by  proportional,  or  accurate  representation  by  means  of 
the  single  transferable  ballot  better  than  by  district  representa- 
tion by  majorities.  We  want  the  representative  body  to  be 
responsive  to  the  people.  This  is  secured  by  the  initiative,  refer- 
endum and  recall,  which,  however,  will  seldom  if  ever  be  called 
into  use  if  representation  is  true  and  accurate. 

This  for  the  making  of  laws.  How  about  their  administra- 
tion? Administrative  ability  is  rather  rare,  and  not  easy  to  find. 
Few  can  recognize  it.  When  it  is  selected  by  popular  election, 
success  is  usually  by  accident.  The  best  administrators  are  sel- 
dom good  speakers — seldom  "popular"  in  the  way  of  vote-getting. 
Then  is  it  not  better  that  a  financier  for  state  treasurer,  an 
education  administrator  for  superintendent  of  public  instruction, 
etc.,  be  selected  by  the  above  mentioned  small  legislative 
body  than  elected  by  popular  vote?  And  how  about  a 
governor?  What  do  we  want  a  governor  for,  anyway?  The 
presiding  officer  of  the  legislative  body  is  the  proper  one  to  sign 
laws,   and   neither   he   nor   any   governor    should   have   the   veto 


74  SHORT    BALLOT 

power.  Only  the  people  should  have  that,  thru  the  referendum. 
What  else  would  there  be  for  a  governor  to  do?  The  legisla- 
tive body  would  represent  the  people,  and  it  should  be  the 
government,  subject  always  to  the  direct  will  of  the  people 
whenever  they  wish  to  express  it  thru  the  initiative,  referendum 
or  recall.  This  body  should  select  the  heads  of  administrative 
departments,  such  heads  being  responsible  to  the  legislative  body, 
which  body  should  have  the  power,  not  only  of  employment,  but 
of  dismissal  at  will  of  said  heads  of  departments,  and  said  heads 
should  appoint  their  own  subordinates.  They  could  not  reason- 
ably be  held  responsible  without  the  power  of  selecting  their 
subordinates. 

Constitution   Only   the  Frame 

This  is  intended  to  be  only  suggestive  of  the  new  type  of 
state  government.  The  new  constitutions  should  contain  noth- 
ing but  the  frame  of  the  government  intended.  It  should  state 
what  officers  the  government  should  consist  of,  how  each  shall 
be  elected  or  selected,  the  duties  of  each,  the  people  reserving 
for  themselves  the  L,  R.  and  R. 

It  is  presumed  that  any  new  constitution  will  grant  to  muni- 
cipalities and  counties  the  fullest  measure  of  home  rule,  with 
the  local  L,  R.  and  R.  Then  local  politics  (policies)  would  be 
kept  separate  from  state  matters.  Then  there  would  be  no  inter- 
locking of  local  and  state  political  machines — if  there  would  be 
any  machines  at  all.  Such  complete  segregation  of  local  from 
state  government  would  accelerate  the  rather  rapidly  progressing 
separation  of  national  politics  from  state  and  local  affairs,  which 
is  very  desirable.  Local  policies  should  be  decided  and  local 
public  affairs  should  be  managed  as  local  business  matter?;, 
which  they  are.  State  policies  the  same,  and  national 
policies  the  same,  each  in  its  own  sphere.  If  your 
opinions  in  these  matters  happen  to  line  you  up  with  the  sanu 
man  in  local  affairs,  state  affairs,  and  national  affairs  (which  i> 
rather  unlikely),  then  your  crowd  would  naturally  be  the  sanu- 
political  party  all  along  the  line.  Political  parties  in  the  pa^t 
have  maintained  their  identity  solidly  in  these  three  spheres,  but 
not  on  a  rational  basis.  As  men  become  more  rational  in  poli- 
tics, the  tendency  is  to  alij^n  independently  in  these  three  spheres, 
and  indeed  to  act  independently  dii  any  proposition  in  any  or  all 
of   these    spheres.       This    feeling    of    independence    from    former 


SHORT   BALLOT  75 

parties  will  help  us  to   get   a   better,   more   rational,   and   more 
efficient  type  of  state  government. 

The  new  type  of  state  government  will  probably  be  worked 
out  in  future  state  constitutional  conventions.  The  only  other 
way  is  by  state  initiative,  and  it  may  be  done  in  this  way  in 
Oregon,  and  possibly  in  some  other  states  which  have  the  initi- 
ative. Constitutional  conventions  were  urged  in  many  state 
legislatures  last  winter.  Indiana  and  South  Dakota  are  the 
only  states  that  have  a  convention  scheduled,  and  they  are  pro- 
visional. The  question  of  a  state  constitutional  convention  will 
be  voted  on  in  these  statesi  in  November,  1914.  If  carried, 
which  is  probable,  the  convention  in  Indiana  will  meet  in  191 5, 
and  in  South  Dakota  on  a  date  to  be  set  by  the  legislature.  The 
New  York  constitution  provides  for  a  constitutional  convention 
in  1916.  Other  states  will  doubtless  call  conventions  before 
many  years,  but  we  hope  that  progress  will  be  slow  and  deliber- 
ate. If  Indiana  and  South  Dakota  should  embrace  their  oppor- 
tunity, they  can  establish  the  future  model.  If  not,  the  model 
will  be  worked  out  by  other  states.  Sooner  or  later  the  true 
type  will  be  found,  and  then  it  will  spread  from  state  to  state. 

Equity  Series.     15:156-61.     July,   1913 

Problem  of  State  Government 

Our  Congress  was  modeled  after  the  British  Parliament  of 
that  time.  The  parallel  is  not  exact,  but  general.  There  was 
an  effort  in  our  constitutional  convention  to  make  the  term  of 
our  United  States  senators  for  life,  like  the  members  of  the 
English  House  of  Lords,  but  it  failed.  But  the  indirect  method 
of  electing  senators  was  purposely  to  make  the  senate  lessi  demo- 
cratic— certainly  less  directly  democratic — than  the  house. 

State  governments  copied  the  two-house  legislature,  the  elec- 
tive chief  executive,  but,  unfortunately,  they  made  the  other 
executive  officers  elective  instead  of  appointive.  The  president 
appoints  his  cabinet,  but  governors  cannot  appoint  their  state 
officers.  Popular  election  of  state  officers  was  supposed  to  be 
a  concession  to  democracy,  but  it  greatly  impairs  efficiency, 
because  the  responsibility  for  the  state  administration  is  thus 
divided  among  many  elected  officers  instead  of  being  concen- 
trated in  the  governor. 


76  SHORT   BALLOT 

The  popularity  and  great  success  of  the  commission  form  of 
government  in  cities  has  invited  our  thought  anew  to  plans  of 
government.  We  see  that  the  commission  plan  abolishes  the 
two  legislative  houses  and  combines  the  legislative  and  executive 
functions  in  a  commission  usually  of  five.  Here  is  a  radical 
concentration  of  both  legisilative  and  executive  power  and  re- 
sponsibility. Nearly  always  the  initiative  and  referendum  go 
along  with  this  concentration  of  legislative  power  as  a  control; 
and  tlie  recall  as  a  control  of  the  executive  power. 

Commission  Government  for  States 

Talk  with  any  thinking  man  who  has  observed  the  commis- 
sion plan  movement,  and  mention  to  him  the  defects  and  ineffici- 
ency of  state  government  so  plain  to  every  one,  and  he  is  likely 
to  say  that  we  should  extend  the  commission  plan  of  govern- 
ment to  states.  "Commission  government  for  states"  is  becom- 
ing a  popular  expression,  and  therein  will  be  a  danger  if  we  are 
not  careful,  for  there  are  better  things  possible  than  the  present 
commission  plan  of  government  for  cities. 

Not  long  ago  the  leading  advocates  of  the  conimi&sion  plan 
for  cities  hesitated  to  recommend  it  for  any  city  above  100,000 
inhabitants.  But  it  has  been  in  successful  operation  in  Mempliis, 
Tenn.  (population,  131,105),  since  1909,  and  in  Oakland,  Cal. 
(pop.,  150,174),  since  1910,  and  in  Birmingham,  Ala.  (pop., 
132,685),  Omaha,  Neb.  (pop.,  124,069),  and  Lowell,  Mass.  (pop., 
196,294),  since  1911;  and  in  New  Orleans  (pop.,  339,075),  and 
St.  Paul  (pop.,  214,744),  since  1912;  The  tendency  is  for  larger 
and  larger  cities  to  adopt  the  commission  plan  of  government. 

But  the  matter  of  making  such  a  radical  change  in  state 
government  as  this  would  be  is  a  serious  one.  However,  some 
change  is  sure  to  be  made.  So  let  us  take  the  present  prevailing 
plan  of  .sitate  government  and  in  imagination  make  a  step-by- 
step  modification,  and  see  where  it  will  lead  us. 

Modifications  Step  by  Step 

Let  us  begin  with  the  legislative  branch — our  thought  is  now 
accustomed  to  '"branches"  of  government,  but  our  evolution 
may  lead  us  to  a  consistent  zvhole  in  government,  instead  of 
branches.  And  we  find  that  the  legislative  "branch"  is  sub- 
divided into  two  branches,  the  senate  and  house.     All  progres- 


SHORT   BALLOT  77 

sive  thinkers  now  agree  that  there  should  he  only  one  house — 
but  zvliich  house?  Many  superficially  say,  "abolish  the  senate." 
But  why?  Why  not  abolisih  the  lower  house  and  keep  the 
senate  as  the  single  house?  Indeed  there  is  better  reason  for 
this,  because  the  growing  sentiment  is  not  only  for  a  single 
house,  but  also  for  a  small  house,  and  the  senate  is  always  the 
smaller  house.  Here  we  can  compromise,  and  while  we  are 
reconstructing  state  government,  abolish  both  houses  and  put  in 
their  places  a  new  chamber  different  from  either. 

Basis   for   Representation 

In  constructing  the  new  single  chamber,  the  question  at  once 
anses,  what  will  be  the  basis  for  representation?  Will  the 
county  be  the  unit?  or  a  district  containing  approximately  a 
given  population  in  contiguous  territory?  Both  houses  of  our 
present  legislatures  are  made  up  in  the  latter  way.  Counties 
containing  large  cities  like  Philadelphia,  New  York  or  Chicago 
send  many  senators  and  representatives  to  the  legislature. 

The  most  profitable  thing  we  can  do  under  the  head  of  basis 
of  representation  is  to  look  at  the  facts  as  they  now  exist.  The 
table  on  page  78  will  show  the  population  and  number  of  counties 
in  each  state,  and  the  representation  of  said  population  in  both 
houses  of  each  legislature,  and  in  the  lower  house  of  congress — 
the  one  based  on  population . 

A  glance  will  show  the  heterogeneous  condition  concerning 
legislatures.  Note  the  number  in  the  lower  house  in  New  Hamp- 
shire, for  example,  and  in  Vermont,  and  compare  with  the  popu- 
lation of  the  states  named.  It  will  be*  noted  that,  of  course,  the 
number  of  congressmen  from  each  state  is  in  proportion  to  the 
population,  and  thisi  relation  is  necessarily  uniform,  one  state 
with  another.  But  legislative  representation  is  on  a  different 
basis  in  every  state.  And  in  the  older  states  particularly,  the 
basis  of  representation  in  different  parts  of  the  same  state  varies 
widely.  For  example,  see  an  exposition  of  the  irregular  legisla- 
tive representation  in  Delaware,  on  page  117  of  April  Equity. 
It  is  there  seen  that  the  value  of  a  vote  for  a  legislator  in  differ- 
ent parts  of  that  state  varies  from  i  to  14J/2. 

Should  a  representative  represent  1,000  population,  10,000,  or 
100,000?  This,  of  course,  is  an  arbitrary  matter.  We  are  plan- 
ning for  a  single  legislative  body  for  a  state,  and  we  are  seeking 


78 


SHORT   BALLOT 


Popula- 

States  tion 
1910 

Alabama   2,138,093 

Arizona   204,354 

Arkansas 1,574,449 

California     2.377,549 

Colorado   799,024 

Connecticut   1,114,756 

Delaware    202,322 

Florida   751,139 

Georgia    2,609,121 

Idaho   325.594 

Illinois     5.638,591 

Indiana 2,700,876 

Iowa    2,224,771 

Kansas    i  ,690,949 

Kentucky    2,289,905 

Louisiana    1,656,388 

Maine    742,371 

Maryland    1,295,346 

Massachusetts   3,366,416 

Michigan     2,810,173 

Minnesota 2,075,708 

Mississippi   1,797,114 

Missouri   3.293.335 

Montana    376,053 

Nebraska 1,192,214 

Nevada   81,875 

New  Hampshire 430,572 

New  Jersey 2,537,167 

New  Mexico 327,301 

New   York 9,113,279 

North   Carolina 2,206,287 

North  Dakota 577,056 

Ohio    4,767,121 

Oklahoma 1.657,155 

Oregon    672,765 

Pennsylvania    7,665,111 

Rhode  Island 542,610 

South  Carolina 1,515,400 

South  Dakota 583.888 

Tennessee   2,184,789 

Texas    3,896,542 

Utah    373.35  > 

Vermont    355. 95^ 

Virginia    2,061,612 

Washington   1,141,990 

West  Virginia 1,221,1 19 

Wisconsin    2,333,860 

Wyoming   "45.965 


Number 

of 
Counties. 

Legisl 
Senate. 

ature 
House. 

Mem- 
bers of 
Con- 
gress. 

67 

54 

99 

10 

14 

23 

35 

I 

75 

35 

100 

7 

58 

40 

80 

1 1 

62 

35 

65 

4 

8 

35 

258 

5 

3 

17 

35 

1 

48 

32 

71 

4 

46 

44 

184 

12 

27 

24 

61 

2 

102 

51 

153 

27 

92 

50 

100 

13 

99 

48 

104 

1  I 

105 

40 

J2S 

8 

120 

38 

100 

II 

61 

41 

119 

8 

16 

31 

151 

4 

24 

27 

lOI 

6 

14 

40 

240 

>6 

83 

32 

100 

>3 

86 

62 

116 

10 

79 

45 

138 

8 

114 

34 

142 

16 

31 

31 

85 

2 

92 

33 

100 

6 

16 

22 

53 

I 

10 

20 

405 

2 

21 

21 

59 

13 

26 

24 

49 

I 

61 

51 

150 

43 

99 

50 

120 

10 

48 

50 

1  1 1 

3 

88 

33 

123 

22 

77 

44 

99 

s 

34 

30 

60 

3 

t>7 

50 

207 

36 

5 

38 

luu 

3 

44 

43 

'-■4 

7 

57 

45 

100 

3 

96 

33 

99 

10 

234 

3' 

IU9 

18 

27 

18 

45 

2 

14 

30 

243 

2 

120 

40 

100 

10 

39 

41 

96 

5 

55 

30 

86 

6 

70 

33 

100 

II 

31 

27 

S7 

I 

SHORT   BALLOT  79 

the  best  size  for  said  house.  It  would  seem  that  a  small  state 
could  get  along  with  a  smaller  body  than  a  large  state,  but  a 
glance  at  the  figures  given  above  will  show  that  such  an  ide^  has 
not  heretofore  been  prevalent. 

The  commission-governed  cities  have,  almost  uniformly,  five 
commissioners.  In  some  states  the  smallest  commission-gov- 
erned municipalities  have  only  three  commissioners.  The  new 
Pennsylvania  law  provides  for  five  commissioners  for  all  cities 
from  10,000  to  100,000  population.  Cities  below  io,ooq  or  above 
100,000  do  not  come  under  the  law.  The  point  is,  that  the  num- 
ber of  commissioners  is  constant  (five),  while  the  population  of 
the  municipalities  to  which  the  law  applies  varies  from  lo.cyDO 
to  100,000.  We  are  not  indulging  in  theory,  but  merely  present- 
ing facts. 

What  light  do  these  facts  throw  on  the  desirable  size  of  a 
similar  body  to  govern  a  state?  Plainly,  it  need  not  be  strictly 
"according  to  population" ;  tho  it  should  probably  be  roughly  so. 
Certainly  the  members  should  be  sufficiently  numerous  to  satis- 
factorily represent  the  different  elements  and  interestsi  in  the 
population  of  the  state — this  better  than  the  dififerent  sections  of 
the  state.  Sectional  representation  is  fraught  with  many  evils. 
It  is  not  acres,  nor  mountains,  nor  rail  fences  that  need  repre- 
sentation, but  people;  and  people  who  have  the  same  sentiments 
or  interests  to  represent  may  live  in  different  parts  of  the  state. 
That  is  the  reason  that  counties  do  not  make  the  ideal  basis 
for  representation.  The  ward  system  of  representation  in  cities 
is  being  abandoned. 

Mode   of  Election 

The  commission-governed  cities  elect  their  commissioners 
"at  large,"  ignoring  ward  lines.  This  is  the  "block  vote,"  each 
voter  being  entitled  to  vote  for  a  block  of  five,  the  five  candidates 
receiving  the  highest  votes  being  elected.  This  is  an  improve- 
ment on  the  plan  of  ward  representation;  but  grave  evils  w'ould 
resiult  where  partizan  lines  are  closely  drawn,  as  in  state  elec- 
tions. The  chief  evil  would  be  that  it  would  give  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  single  house  to  the  majority  party  in  the  state.  Dis- 
trict representation,  with  all  its  narrowness,  would  be  preferable 
to  this.  Readers  of  this  magazine  are  familiar  with  plans  for 
preferential  voting,  resulting  in  an  effective  ballot  for  every 
voter,  and  true  and  complete  representation  of  every  considerable 


8o  SHORT   BALLOT 

portion  of  the  electorate.     This  will  avoid  the  evils  of  both  the 
"block  vote"  and  the  district  basis. 

Size  of  Single  House 

We  are  still  facing  the  question  of  how  many  members 
should  this  single  body  for  the  government  of  a  state  consist? 
Should  it  be  50?  Too  many.  Too  imwieldly  for  a  "commis- 
sion," or  whatever  you  wish  to  call  the  body  which  is  to  be  in 
constant  and  responsible  service  to  the  state.  Some  say  it  should 
be  an  odd  number,  to  make  ties  impossible.  Shall  it  be  25? 
Still  rather  large.  15?  Perhaps  this  is  near  the  number  of 
greatest  efficiency,  tho  we  need  not  hope  that  the  different  states 
will  adopt  the  same  number.  But  let  us  always  bear  in  mind  that 
small  numbers,  carefully  selected,  favor  efficiency. 

Functions  of  the  Single  House 

Our  legislatures  are  legislative.  The  commissions  which  gov- 
ern commission-governed  cities  combine  executive  and  legisla- 
tive functions.  Here  we  have  seen  demonstrated  the  fallacy  of 
our  old  doctrine  of  separated  governmental  functions.  In  the 
new  state  government  also  we  can  and  will  demonstrate  this 
fallacy,  and  also  go  a  step  farther,  and  combine  in  one  body, 
legislative,  executive  and  judicial  functions.  Perhaps  I  should 
not  say  judicial  functions,  but,  rather,  a  control  over  the  judici- 
ary. Do  not  be  frightened.  A  study  of  the  functions  and  history 
of  the  English  judiciary  plainly  indicates  that  the  judiciary  should 
not  be  independent  of  and  above  the  new  state  government,  but  a 
creature  of  and  subordinate  to  it.  It  goes  without  saying  that  a 
state  government  of  few  members  and  great  powers  must  be 
subject  to  the  controlling  powers  of  the  initiative,  referendum  and 
recall.     With  this  safeguard,  we  can  plan  only  for  efficiency. 

With  an  effective  ballot,  giving  every  faction  of  the  state 
representation  according  to  its  members,  the  representative  body 
would  do  according  to  the  interests  and  wishes  of  the  electorate, 
much  as  tho  every  question  were  submitted  to  direct  vote.  Rep- 
resentatives thus  chosen,  if  efficient  and  true  to  their  trust,  would 
be  likely  to  be  re-elected  time  after  time,  as  most  of  the  Gal- 
veston commissioners  have  been,  and  thus  the  state  would  have 
a  more  or  less  permanent,  experienced  and  "seasoned"  body  of 
governors. 


SHORT   BALLOl  8r 

It  would  be  folly  to  attempt  to  detail  the  functions  of  such 
a  body  at  this  stage  of  development  of  the  idea.  However,  the 
experience  of  commission-governed  cities  and  of  "city  manager" 
governed  cities  will  throw  some  light  on  the  problem.  And  the 
experience  of  the  first  state  that  thus  modifies  its  government 
will  do  much  in  blazing  the  way  for  those  which  follow.  It 
seems,  at  the  present  writing,  that  the  entire  legislative  power, 
and  the  power  of  extensive  appoijitment  of  administrative  and 
judicial  officers,  could  be  safely  and  advantageously  placed  in 
this  small  body  of,  say  15  governors,  in  constant  service  and  in 
frequent  session. 

A  Glance  at  the  Cities 

For  -commission-governed  cities,  five  commissioners  are  elected 
on  a  general  ticket,  one  being  designated  as  mayor,  but  his  duties 
are  similar  to  those  of  the  other  commissioners,  except  that  he 
presides  at  the  meetings,  but  he  has  no  veto  power,  and  he  votes 
at  the  meetings  just  as  the  other  commissioners.  The  ordinary 
city  officers  are  appointed  by  the  commission  or  by  individual 
commissioners,  and  they  are  responsible  to  their  appointers.  The 
commission  passes  ordinances,  and  the  ordinances  are  executed 
by  the  commissioners  or  their  appointees.  The  city-manager 
plan  provides  for  the  appointing  of  a  city  manager  by  the  com- 
mission, the  manager  appointing  all  subordinate  officers,  and 
executing  all  ordinances  directly  or  thru  his  appointees,  he  being 
responsible  to  the  commission.  In  this  plan,  the  commissioners 
are  prominent  business  men,  giving  only  a  small  portion  of  their 
time  to  the  city,  for  a  nominal  salary,  their  duties  being  to  pass 
ordinances,  select  a  city  manager,  determine  the  policies  that 
he  is  to  carry  out,  and  hold  him  responsible  to  them. 

Do  these  plans  suggest  a  plan  of  state  government  by  a  com- 
mission or  board  of  state  governors?  We  think  so.  But  the 
members  of  the  state  board  should  be  men  of  superior  quality, 
who  can  give  their  entire  time  to  the  service  of  the  state,  and 
receive  an  adequate  salary  therefor.  One  could  be  designated  as 
governor,  presiding  at  meetings,  but  with  no  veto.  To  what 
extent  this  board  could  take  the  place  and  assume  the  functions 
of  the  various  state  commissions  now  in  existence,  as  a  state 
railroad  or  public  utilities  commission,  only  experience  can  de- 
termine. 


82  SHORT  BALLOT 

A  Glance  at  the  Average  Legislature 

One  thing  seems  certain :  That  the  people  of  this  country  will 
soon  find  a  way  to  stop  state  lawmaking  by  legislatures  as  at 
present  constituted.  No  observing  person  can  visit  a  legislature 
in  action  without  concluding  that  it  is  a  very  poor  way  to  do 
the  state's  business.  First,  in  material :  Not  one  legislator  in  a 
hundred  is  properly  prepared  for  his  dutiesi.  Most  of  them  are' 
honest  enough,  but  it  requires  much  more  than  honesty  to  make 
laws  for  a  state.  It  is  not  the  fault  of  the  men,  but  it  is  the 
fault  of  the  system  that  puts  them  there. 

Second,  limited  sessions  at  rare  mtervalsi:  Most  of  the 
states  have  legislative  sessions  only  once  in  two  years,  and  a 
few  every  four  years — some  every  year.  The  length  of  session 
is  limited  in  most  of  the  states,  some  to  only  50  days.  The 
organization  and  other  necessary  formalities  of  two  large  houses 
require  considerable  time.  This  unwieldy  system,  with  un- 
trained material,  gives  trained  politicians  their  opportunity.  The 
session  is  well  advanced  usually  before  any  great  progress  is 
made.  As  the  end  approaches,  there  is  much  of  importance  to 
be  done,  and  then,  as  the  Philadelphia  Ledger  says,  there  is 
"lawmaking  in  hot  haste."  We  call  legislatures  dcHbcrati'c 
bodies.  Let  any  one  visit  any  legislative  body  as  now  consti- 
tuted, let  it  be  congress,  a  state  legislature,  or  a  city  council  of 
the  old  type,  on  the  last  day  of  its  session,  and  ask  him  if  he 
thinks  it  is  a  "deliberative"  body! 

What  We  Want 
We  want  real  deliberation.  We  want  real  responsibility.  W'c 
want  men  for  such  duties  who  are  prepared  for  them  and  we 
want  them  adequately  paid.  We  want  to  put  a  stop  to  "law- 
making in  hot  haste."  We  want  laws  turned  out  like  decisions 
of  the  supreme  court,  only  after  the  maturcst  deliberation,  by 
men'  specially  trained  and  chosen  for  the  task.  But  we  want  the 
body  much  nearer  to  the  people  than  the  supreme  court  is,  and 
it  should  be  subject  to  control  by  the  people  if  necessary,  by 
means  of  the  initiative,  referendum  and  recall.  We  want  no 
laws  that  must  be  rushed  thru  two  houses  by  a  given  time.  We 
want  real  deliberation,  with  broad  investigation  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  laws,  so  that  they  will  not  be  "half-baked,"  but  ripeno<I 
and  mature.  Then  we  will  not  need  so  many  laws — becau>c 
thev  will  be  better. 


SHORT   BALLOT  83 

With  the  recall,  we  can  give  executive  officers  more  freedom 
and  discretion.  With  the  initiative  and  referendum  we  can 
safely  and  profitably  put  the  law-making  power  in  fewer  and 
abler  hands.  Instead  of  a  season  of  a  few  months  every  two 
years  during  which  from  500  to  3,000  "hot-haste"  laws  are 
made,  we  want  no  set  lawmaking  season,  but  we  want  a  body 
of  trained  men  in  service  all  the  time,  who  will  promulgate  a 
new  law  only  when  needed,  which  would  result  in  perhaps  less 
than  one-tenth  the  number  of  laws  that  the  present  system  bur- 
dens us  with.  According  to  the  Philadelphia  North  American 
for  June  25th,  the  club  used  in  Harrisburg  to  beat  out  the  kind 
of  laws  desired  by  the  politicians  was,  "vote  right  or  get  nothing 
from  the  administration."  In  this  we  see  the  shadow  of  the 
district  representation  evil,  as  well  as  many  other  evils.  We 
want  a  better  system,  which  will  bring  into  service  better,  tho 
fewer,  men,  and  give  us  better,  tho  fewer,  laws. 

Hozv  to   Get  It 

How  shall  we  get  an  improved  system  of  state  government? 
Not  by  being  forever  satisfied  with  our  century-old  system.  The 
commission  government  of  cities  is  an  object  lesson,  and  still 
further  plans  of  local  government  are  destined  to  be  introduced 
in  the  near  future.  These  things  have  called  attention  to  our 
defective  system  of  state  government,  and  from  year  to  year 
dissatisfaction  with  the  old  plan  will  increase  until  an  improve- 
ment shall  be  made. 

Hon.  U.  S.  U'Ren  has  been  trying  to  introduce  quite  an 
elaborate  improved  system  of  state  government  in  Oregon  thru 
the  initiative  for  several  yearsi  past,  but  it  has  not  yet  been 
accepted  by  the  electorate.  It  establishes  a  single  house  of  50 
members,  elected  by  an  ingenious  system  of  proportional  repre- 
sentation. It  is  his  purpose  to  put  it  before  the  electorate  again 
in  1914.  We  would  prefer  a  smaller  house,  and  a  simpler  sys- 
tem ;  but  it  now  seems  likely  that  Oregon  will  be  the  first  state 
to  actually  put  into  operation  a  state  legislature  of  a  single  house. 

As  noted  in  last  Equit}-,  page  122,  Governor  Hodges,  of  Kan- 
sas, has  proposed  a  smaller  legislature  of  a  single  house,  but  he 
omits  the  necessary  control  features,  the  initiative,  referendum 
and  recall.  Also,  he  cannot  reasonably  expect  the  legislature  to 
commit  suicide.  The  agency  thru  which  such  a  change  in  state 
government  must  be  gotten  is  the  constitutional  initiative,  or  a 


84  SHORT   BALLOT 

constitutional  convention.     Kansas  has  not  the  popular  initiative 
in  any  form,  and  a  constitutional  convention  is  not  yet  seriou- 
proposed. 

In  Colorado  a  constitutional  amendment  is  being  initiated, 
providing  for  fewer  elective  state  officers  and  a  state  manager, 
but  it  does  not  aff^ect  the  legislature.  It  is  a  Short  Ballot  meas- 
ure, good  as  far  as  it  goes,  but  it  misses  the  chief  feature  to  be 
desired,  and  that  is  a  radical  modification  of  the  present  awkward 
and  unsatisfactory  legislative  system.  As  Colorado  has  the 
instrument,  the  initiative  (which  Kansas  has  not),  Colorado  is 
a  favorable  state  in  which  to  push  a  complete  reorganization  of 
state  government. 

In  Minnesota  there  is  some  sentiment  in  favor  of  a  modi- 
fication of  the  present  state  government,  but  the  sentiment  has 
not  yet  become  crystalized  nor  dynamic.  In  North  Carolina  a 
commission  is  considering  changes  in  the  constitution,  which 
may  possibly  aff^ect  the  plan  of  state  government.  And  when 
the  conimission  is  ready  to  report,  an  extra  session  of  the  leu 
lature  will  be  called.  Among  the  many  states  in  which  a  cu:. 
stitutional  convention  has  been  considered,  Indiana  is  the  only 
one  in  which  a  definite  provision  has  been  made.  A  vote  on  the 
proposition  will  be  taken  at  the  regular  November  election  in 
1914,  and,  if  carried,  delegates  will  be  elected  later.  However, 
Indiana  has  been  so  backward  in  improved  plans  of  city  gov- 
ernment and  in  regard  to  the  initiative,  referendum  and  recall, 
we  fear  that  the  convention,  if  it  convenes  in  1915,  will  not  be 
sufficiently  progressive  to  adopt  any  of  the  suggestions  con- 
tained in  this  article. 

We  must  look  for  a  beginning  in  the  reorganization  of  state 
government  in  those  states  which  have  the  constitutional  initi- 
ative, and  in  those  states  which  will  call  a  constitutional  conven- 
tion in  the  not  distant  future.     Legislatures  will  not  look  upon 
the   movement   with    favor.     The   most   promising   constitutional 
initiative  states  for  this  movement  seem  to  be  Oregon  and  C<'' 
rado.     Arizona   is  too  new  with  her  present  constitution,   01 
recently  had  a  constitutional  convention  and  adopted  36  amend- 
ments, and  Maine  has  not  the  constitutional  initiative.    Pennsv 
vania,  New  Jersey  and  New  York  have  been  considering  con-; 
tutional  conventions,   but  we  hope  they   will   not  "actually  coi; 
imtil  this  movement  has  sufficient  strcngtli  to  conunand  scric 
consiideration,  and  adoj)tion  in  part  at   Iea>^t,  by  the  convention 


SHORT   BALLOT  85 

The  filings  desired: 

Legislature  of  one  house. 

Efficiency  favored  bjf  body  of  comparatively  few  mem- 
bers, say  from  15  to  25. 

Should  be  elected  "at  large,"  but  not  by  the  "block  vote." 
A  ballot  system  should  be  used  that  would  give  true  repre- 
sentation to  every  considerable  faction  in  the  electorate. 

Body  should  be  in  constant  service,  and  members  should 
be  paid  a   sufficient  salary  to  induce  exclusive  attention  to 
public  duties. 
Powers  should  not  be  limited  to  making  laws.     If  they  truly 
represent  the  electorate,  they  could  be  trusted  with  the  powers 
of  the  electorate,  but  subject  to  the  initiative,   referendum   and 
recall.    And  we  would  hope  that  they  would  serve  the  electorate 
so  satisfactorily  that  the  initiative,  referendum  and  recall  would 
seldom  or  never  need  to  be  invoked. 

Large  power  of  appointment  could  be  intrusted  to  this  body, 
including  regulative  commissions,  executive  and  administrative 
officers,  and  extending  to  the  judiciary.  The  definite  term  plan 
for  officers  appointed  by  this  body  should  .not  be  adopted.  Ap- 
pointees should  be  under  the  constant  and  complete  control  of 
the  appointing  power.  And  the  appointing  power  should  be 
under  the  constant  and  complete  control  of  the  voters.  Then 
we  would  always  get  true  representative  action. 

Later:  In  a  recent  address,  Prof.  John  R.  Commons  said 
the  following : 

The  people  can  vote  intelligently  on  two  things:  general  principles, 
and  confidence  or  no  confidence  in  the  experts  commissioned  to  put  the 
principles  into  piactice.  The  first  is  the  initiative  and  referendum.  The 
second  is  recall  of  commissioners.  The  people  cannot  elect  experts,  because 
experts  are  not  good  vote-getters;  but  the  people  can  pass  upon  them  after 
seeing  how  they  do  their  work.  The  governor  is  in  a  better  position  to 
select  and  appoint  them,  because  he  can  look  over  the  field  and  pick  out 
the  men  best  fitted.  If  he  makes  a  mistake  or  abuses  his  power,  the  people 
can  check  him   by  recalling  his  appointee. 

Such  a  scheme  of  government  would  offer  a  field  for  the  student,  the 
investigator,  or  the  expert,  to  train  himself  for  public  service.  Public 
business  nowadays  requires  engineers  and  accountants  to  protect  the 
people  against  great  corporations;  chemists  to  protect  them  against  adulter- 
ated foods  and  drugs;  agricultural  experts  and  business  organizations  to 
protect  the  farmers  in  raising  and  marketing  their  products,  and  so  on. 
If  these  experts  do  not  serve  the  people  they  will  serve  the  corporations 
and  special  interests. 

At   the   same   time   such   a   scheme   would   prevent    the   educated   classes 


86  SHORT   BALLOT 

from  running  the  state.  The  people  should  not  be  governed  by  experts 
any  more  than  by  millionaires  or  political  bosses.  The  problem  of  democ- 
racy is  how  to  make  wealth,  politicians  and  experts  the  servants  instead 
of  the  masters  of  the  people.  This  can  be  done  by  the  initiative  and 
referendum,  civil  service  reform,  appointment  of  commissioners,  recall  by 
the   people.  ^ 

Our  scheme  is  that  the  small  single  house  shall  appoint  all 
commissions  and  experts,  and  also  all  state  administrative  of- 
ficers, probably  including  the  governor,  if  a  governor  should  be 
needed.  Probably  it  would  select  one  of  its  own  members  as 
president  of  that  body,  to  be  known  as  the  presiding  governor, 
the  body  to  be  known  as  the  board  of  governors'.  This  body  r,f 
from  15  to  21  members,  if  chosen  in  a  manner  to  truly  foe 
the  electorate,  would  be  the  proper  body  to  make  laws,  appoin 
administrators  of  the  laws,  including  the  judicrary,  and  appoint 
commissions  and  all  experts  for  special  service,  unless  the 
selection  of  expertsi  be  left  to  the  administrative  heads  of  depart- 
ments. In  any  scheme  of  government  the  I.,  R.  and  R.  sTiould 
exist  among  the  primary  rights  of  the  people ;  but  in  a  scheme 
like  the  above  the  occasion  to  use  them  would  be  very  seldom. 
The  consciousness  on  the  part  of  all  officers  that  the  people 
can  use  them  at  any  time  would  keep  them  constantly  up  to  the 
mark  of  best  service. 

This  plan  of  government  would  stop  graft  and  corruption 
and  give  efficiency.  Tt  seems  that  Professor  Commons'  plan 
would  leave  the  legislatures  just  as  they  are.  which  is  a  grave 
defect  of  any  progressive  plan. 


COUNTY  GOVERNMENT 

First  Conference  for  Better  County  Government  in  New  York 
State,   November   13-14,   1914.     Proceedings,     pp.  65-73 

County  Manager  Plan.     Richard    S.   Childs. 

Consider  now  what  the  people  of  a  county  in  New  York 
state  are  up  against  if  they  seek  to  control  the  present  type  of 
county  government.  There  is  the  board  of  supervisors,  the 
county  clerk,  the  county  treasurer,  the  county  superintendent  of 
the  poor,  the  sheriff,  district  attorney  and  coroner  and  the 
county  court.  Sometimesi  there  is  a  surrogate  and  county  comp- 
troller in  addition.  Seven  county  governments  or  more ;  for 
the  coroner,  elected  by  the  people,  is  a  separate  government  all 
by  himself,  with  no  one  who  can  give  him  orders,  no  one  who 
can,  except  on  paper,  compel  him  to  do  anything.  The  sheriff 
is  another  little  county  government  all  by  himself,  and  so  is  the 
county  clerk  and  all  the  rest.  All  these  seven  governments  are, 
to  be  sure,  loosely  connected  up  to  each  other  by  the  moral  and 
latent  power  of  certain  memoranda  called  laws,  the  exact  nature 
of  which  they  oftentimes  seem  to  know  little  about,  the  real 
bonding  force  of  the  county  being  often  tradition  rather  than 
law. 

Can  Those  Properly  Qualified  Officials  Be  Chosen  by  Election? 

To  control  the  government  of  the  county  as  now  organized 
the  people  must  select  competent  and  right  meaning  officials 
for  all  these  offices  on  election  day.  ^he  voter  in  his  polling 
place  must  run  his  pencil  down  the  list  of  candidates  for  each 
of  the  seven  or  nine  offices  and  pick  a  well  qualified  person. 
This  means  that  he  must  know  something  about  the  qualifica- 
tions required  for  each  individual  office  and  the  qualifications 
of  fourteen,  sixteen  or  eighTieen  candidates.  A  man  who  will 
make  a  good  county  treasurer  might  be  a  very  bad  man  to 
choose  for  coroner,  and  vice  versa.  That  is  the  theory  of  the 
voter's  part  in  county  government,  but  that  is  not  all.  After 
election  the  voter  is  supposed  to  scrutinize  the  conduct  of  each 


88  SHORT   BALLOT 

of  this  list  of  officials  and  see  if  each  official  maintains  a  cor- 
rect technical  standard.  For  all  the  offices  are  technical  offices, 
with  the  exception  of  the  supervisors.  To  be  a  competent  critic 
of  the  technical  ability  of  seven,  eight  or  nine  such  varied 
officers  with  such  varied  functions  implies  an  unbelievable 
amount  of  acquaintance  with  county  government  in  its  detailed 
management  on  the  part  of  the  voter. 

But  we  are  not  through  even  now  with  the  work  which  the 
county  plan  requires  of  the  voter.  Not  only  must  the  voter 
bring  his  share  of  public  opinion  to  bear  upon  the  conduct  of 
each  of  these  seven,  eight  or  nine  little  county  governments,  but 
if  one  of  these  little  governments  quarrels  with  another  little 
government  the  voter  must  take  notice  of  the  fact  and  by  intelli- 
gent public  criticism  induce  the  little  government  which  is  in 
the  wrong  to  yield  to  the  little  government  which  has  the  right 
side  of  the  dispute.  In  other  words,  the  voters  of  the  county 
must  not  only  stand  over  each  of  these  seven  little  governments 
and  make  them  obey,  but  must  make  them  agree  in  their  obedi- 
ence and  work  harmoniously  for  the  common  good.  The  people 
of  the  county  constitute  the  one  place  where  the  big  lines  of 
direct  control  are  focussed.  They  are  in  theory  the  unifying 
force  and  the  only  one. 

The  Need  for  a  Strong  Exccutke 

Now,  to  make  these  seven  governments  work  in  unision  is  .. 
task    which    would    keep    a    strong   chief    executive    pretty    bu>. 
sometimes.     A   conmiittee    or   hoard    with    complete   power   ovi: 
these    seven   little   governments    would   probably    not    be    nimble 
enough    for  the    task   and    would    end    by    leaving   most   of   tlu 
details    to    some   one   person    selected    by   them    to   give   all    h; 
time  to  the  task.     A  group,  let  us  say,  of  lOO  persons  niectin- 
under  the    forms  of   parliamentary   law,   would   be   baffled   evr 
more  than  a  small  committee,  and,  in  fact,  would  be  compclK. 
to  do  the   work   through  conunittecs  in  order  to  get   it  done  :> 
all.     A   great   mass    meeting   of   5,000    voters    would    cxpericnci 
still  greater  difficulties   in   trying  to  handle   details*,     In   fact,   it 
could  do  hardly  anything  exccjit  to  create  a  committee  and  .U' 
home.     The   people   of  the  county,  too  numerous  to   meet    in 
single   hall,   scattered,   moreover,  throughout   the  county  over 
considerable    distance,    having    no    single    conunon     medium    o: 
communication,  being  not   even   subscribers   to   the   same   news- 


SHORT   BALLOT  89 

papers,  are  many  times  clumsier  tlian  the  mass  meeting.  Yet 
to  the  most  chtmsy  of  all  organisms,  the  electorate,  you  give  the 
task  of  imification  and  harmonizing,  which  is  too  much  for  even 
a  small  committee  to  accomplish  except  with  a  smitable  instru- 
ment in  the  shape  of  a  single  executive. 

This  thing  is  ridiculous.  The  people  simply  can't  do  it.  Our 
people  are  as  intelligent  as  any  other,  but  no  people  on  the 
face  of  the  earth  can  do  it.  We  have  given  the  people  an 
unworkable  instrument,  and  it  is  no  reflection  on  the  people  to 
say  that  they  don't  rule  and  cannot  rule  under  such  circum- 
stances. The  practical  result  of  the  situation  is  that  99  per  cent 
of  the  people  give  only  an  offhand  intermittent  attention  to 
county  government,  and  the  remaining  i  per  cent,  who  get  into 
the  heart  of  the  matter,  become  the  real  governing  force  of  the 
county  and  are  given  the  name  of  politicians.  A  politician  is 
simply  an  expert  in  citizenship.  To  make  the  politicians  give 
way  to  the  people  at  large  the  game  of  politics  must  be  simplified. 
Politics  is  the  proper  business  of  every  citizen.  It  should  not 
be  one  of  the  learned  professions.  It  should  not  be  so  com- 
plex as  to  be  a  profession  at  all.  It  is  not  true  that  every 
citizen  ought  to  know  what  he  is  doing  on  election  day ;  it  is 
only  true  that  politics  should  be  so  simple  that  every  citizen 
would  know  what  he  isi  doing  on  election  day.  We  can't  make 
the  citizen  take  more  interest  in  a  complicated  and  uninteresting 
thing  like  county  government,  but  we  can  make  county  govern- 
ment so  simple  that  the  motive  power  of  popular  interest  will 
be  sufficient  to  operate  it. 

Politics  Should  Be  Made  Simple 

So,  to  make  a  long  story  short,  the  modern  political  scientist 
demands  that  politics  shall  be  made-  primitively  simple.  It  is 
easier  for  the  people  to  control  one  government  than  nine  gov- 
ernments. That  is  the  theory  of  the  "unification  of  powers." 
It  is  easier  for  the  people  to  control  three  or  four  big  elective 
offices  than  eight  or  nine  little  ones.  That  is  the  theory  of  the 
Short  Ballot.  The  way  to  keep  unfit  men  out  of  public  office 
is  to  refrain  from  electing  them.  The  way  to  refrain  from 
electing  them  is  to  elect  no  more  officials  at  one  time  than  the 
citizens  can  get  a  good  look  at.  In  a  small,  rural  county  where 
everybody  knows  every  one  else,  the  Short  Ballot  is  not  quite 
as  important  as  in  large  cities  and  states,  but  the  unification  of 


90  SHORT    BALLOT 

powers  is  important  everywhere.  A  government  in  which  all 
parts  are  properly  co-ordinated  under  the  direction  of  a  single 
controlling  brain  will  be  an  easier  government  for  the  people 
to  control  than  the  loose-jointed,  ramshackle  of  mutually  inde- 
pendent powers  which  we  now  call  county  government.  Only 
by  uniting  and  consolidating  the  powers  of  the  county  can  we 
get  away  from  supine,  jellyfish  disobedience.  Present  county 
governments  are  something  like  an  automobile  with  a  separate 
motor  at  every  wheel,  each  going  its  own  gait,  pell-mell  down 
the  road,  with  Mr.  Voter  in  the  driver's  seat  hanging  on  with  a 
sickly  smile  while  he  tries  to  control  a  dozen  levers  with  only 
two  hands  and  feet. 

County  Needs  a  Head 

Now,  if  we  can  keep  away  from  the  old  fashioned  doctrinaire 
theories  which  have  made  so  much  trouble  for  this  nation  in 
the  last  hundred  years,  we  should  be  able  to  agree  that  the 
county,  like  any  other  organization,  private  or  public,  needs  a 
chief  executive  with  appointive  power  over  all  other  administra- 
tive officials.  Not  until  all  the  officials  have  a  single  common 
superior  on  the  job  all  the  time,  with  plenty  of  authority  over 
them,  can  they  be  compelled  to  work  in  mutual  harmony.  Any 
notion  that  the  arms  and  legs  of  the  county  can  make  each  other 
work  harmoniously  by  the  threat  of  mandamus  proceedings  and 
similar  legal  resorts  to  those  printed  memoranda  called  law 
is  thus  discarded.  But,  of  course,  we  are  not  going  to  vest  th^ 
government  of  the  county  in  a  single  despot  elected  by  the 
people  for  a  fixed  term,  for  that  system  would  have  obvious 
faults  of  its  own,  inasmuch  as  the  despot  would  have 
elective  executive  held  in  more  or  less  restraint  through  the 
necessity  of  obtaining  the  co-operation  of  a  board  of  supervisors 
corresponding,  to  the  mayor  and  council  of  old  style  city  gov- 
ernments. There  has  been  ample  experience  to  show  that  the 
attempt  to  secure  a  good  chief  executive  by  popular  election  is  a 
failure.  It  always  gives  us  a  transient  amateur  who  never 
really  learns  his  job,  because  he  is  not  allowed  to  stay  on  the 
job  long  enough.  It  always  results  in  the  development,  under 
such  a  shifty  chief  e.xecutive,  of  a  "system"  among  the  perma- 
nent subordinates,  a  "system"  which  defies  the  control  of  these 
transient  executives  and  thus  defies  the  control  of  the  people 
who  elected  that  chief  executive. 


SHORT   BALLOT  91 

Example  Set  by  the  Short  Ballot  Cities 

The  large  cities  have  been  all  through  that  phase  and  are 
abandoning  the  elective  chief  executive,  or  mayor,  and  moving 
onward  to  the  type  of  government  in  which  the  chief  executive 
is  appointed  and  held  subject  to  the  continuous  supervision  of 
the  joint  mind  of  a  board  or  commission.  Accordingly,  let  us 
look  forward  to  a  time  when  counties  will  be  governed  by  a 
small  board  of  supervisors,  a  board  small  enough  so  that  each 
member  will  be  a  really  important  officer  with  power  enough  in 
the  government  to  make  it  worth  while  for  the  people  to  scruti- 
nize the  candidate  carefully  and  watch  him  after  election.  A 
board  of  three  or  five  or  seven  will  be  better  than  a  board  of 
twenty  or  twenty-five  or  thirty,  because  you  must  have  consider- 
able power  attached  to  a  public  office  before  it  will  attract  can- 
didates of  first-class  talent  and  before  it  will  be  conspicuous 
enough  to  catch  the  public  eye. 

Let  this  small  board  of  supervisors  possess  all  the  powers 
now  vested  in  all  officers  of  the  county,  except  the  county  judge. 
Put  upon  them  the  responsibility  for  all  of  the  work  of  the 
county.  Permit  them  to  hire  their  county  manager  from  any- 
where in  the  United  States  and  to  pay  him  whatever  salary  they 
believe  necessary  in  order  to  secure  the  requisite  ability.  The 
county  manager  will  appoint,  in  turn,  and  control  all  other 
county  officials  and  employees,  subject  to  civil  service  regula- 
tions. The  county  manager  will  have  no  power  of  his  own,  no 
independence  of  his  superior.  He  is  their  executive  agent.  If 
the  new  board  of  supervisors  tells  him  to  take  money  out  of 
the  treasury  and  spend  it  for  peanuts,  he  must  spend  it  for 
peanuts  or  take  a  chance  of  losing  his  job.  The  supervisors 
who  hire  him  can  also  fire  him. 

What  a    "County  Manager"    Would  Do 

The  county  manager,  naturallj',  would  be  expected  to  relieve 
the  supervisors  of  all  detail,  and  if  they  found  him  trustworthy 
and  devoted  to  their  service  they  would  probably  leave  him 
considerable  discretion,  but  they  would  have  to  take  the  respon- 
sibility for  him  if  he  proved  to  be  foolish  or  weak  or  dishonest. 
This  new  board  of  supervisors  would  have  the  power  to  levy 
taxes  and  spend  them.  When  it  was  spending  money  it  would 
have  to  remember  that  it  must  raise  that  money  and  face  the 


92  SHORT   BALLOT 

public  resistance  to  taxes.  On  the  other  hand,  in  trying  to  keep 
down  taxes  it  would  have  to  remember  that  the  people  would 
criticise  it  if  it  went  too  far  and  starved  the  county  service.  It 
would  be  continually  between  two  fires ;  the  demand  for  good 
service  and  the  resistance  to  taxes.  No  matter  what  goes  wrong 
the  supervisors,  under  this  scheme,  have  power  to  fix  it  and  can 
fairly  be  held  responsible  if  they  fail  to  have  it  fixed  after 
it  has  been  called  to  their  attention. 

Local  Nullification  of  State  Lazes 

In  this  plan  of  government  one  fault  inherent  in  the  county 
would  still  remain.  The  supervisors  would  have  two  masters, 
i.  e.,  the  people  of  the  county  and  the  state  government,  which 
is  continually  making  laws  for  them  to  enforce.  The  work  of 
the  sherifif,  district  attorney  and  the  county  judge  is  really  not 
county  work  at  all,  except  geographically.  It  is  really  state 
work.  Although  elected  by  the  people  of  the  county  they  are 
working  for  the  people  of  the  state.  We  had  an  interesting 
instance  of  that  recently  when  the  district  attorneys  of  all  the 
various  counties  in  New  York  state  were  up  against  the  propo- 
sition of  prosecuting  the  alleged  frauds  on  the  state  highways, 
and  it  was  said  that  they  could  not  be  relied  on  to  handle  that 
work  because  of  the  expense.  There  was  a  case  where  some 
of  the  counties  flatly  declined  to  burden  themselves  with  their 
responsibilities  to  the  state  at  large,  and  there  was  no  effective 
way  of  making  the  counties  obey  those  printed  memoranda 
called  laws,  which  I  have  previously  referred  to.  The  local 
nullification  of  laws  through  the  failure  or  hostility  of  the  coun- 
ties is  a  common  phenomenon  in  America,  and  to  that  is  due 
much  of  our  disrespect  for  the  written  law.  To  that  is  due  much 
of  the  careless  passing  of  unpopular  laws  at  Albany,  where  the 
assemblyman  cheerfully  explains:  "Well,  it  won't  be  enforced." 
The  governor  by  his  approval  helps  to  make  the  law,  and  it  is 
made  his  duty  to  see  that  the  laws  are  enforced.  Yet  the  judges, 
district  attorneys  and  sheriffs,  who  are  nominally  his  agents,  arc 
put  where  they  can  laugh  at  him  and  the  governor  is  helpless, 
unless  the  situation  gets  so  bad  that  he  feels  justified  in  utilizing 
the  rarely  used  whip  which  the  constitution  gives  him  in  the 
power  of  removal  of  such  officers.  In  actual  i»ractice,  as  we 
know,  the  governor  rarely  exercises  any  influence  on  thesf  nomi- 
nal agents  of  his,  and  they  go  their  own  sweet  way. 


SHORT   BALLOT  93 

In  the  national  government  we  see  on  a  vastly  larger  scale 
the  correct  method  of  handling  these  functions.  The  president 
appoints  the  judges  in  all  the  districts  and  he  appoints  the  attor- 
ney-general, under  whose  direction  are  all  the  district  attorneys 
and  all  the  federal  marshals  and  federal  prisons.  That  is  the 
obvious,  logical  plan.  New  Jersey  has  part  of  it  in  operation, 
inasmuch  as  the  governor  appoints  the  judges  and  district 
attorneys,  and  while  the  sheriffsi  are  elective  the  governor  has 
an  emergency  power  to  do  their  work  by  other  methods  if  he 
cannot  secure  co-operation  from  the  sheriff.  I  cheerfully  con- 
cede that  to  give  the  governor  of  New  York  the  right  to  appoint 
county  judges  and  to  give  to  an  appointive  attorney-general  the 
control  of  a  state-wide  department  of  justice  has  a  strange 
and  novel  sound,  and  the  people  of  this  state  would  have  to  get 
used  to  the  sound  of  the  thing  before  we  could  hope  to  organize 
on  these  lines.  Until  that  time  comes  when  the  state  Vviil 
enforce  the  laws  it  makes  and  pay  the  bills  we  must  be  content 
with  a  county  commission  or  board  of  supervisors  which  will 
undertake  to  serve  the  two  masters  with  as  much  justice  as  it 
can. 

One  County  Government;  Not  Several 

Give  to  the  people  a  single  county  government  instead  of 
seven,  with  a  Short  Ballot  instead  of  a  long  one,  with  a  few 
conspicuous  elective  officials  instead  of  a  lot  of  obscure  ones — 
a  government  that  has  power  to  get  results  and  can  thus  be 
held  responsible  if  it  fails  to  get  results — and  you  will  see  the 
same  marvelous  revival  of  public  attention  that  has  been  seen 
in  every  city  that  has  adopted  commission  government.  You 
will  see  the  citizens  of  the  county  really  knowing  something  about 
their  county  government,  and  you  will  see  them  discussing  their 
public  servants  with  intelligence.  Then  you  will  get  in  the 
county  whatever  kind  of  government  the  people  of  that  county 
want.  I  don't  say  it  will  be  good  government.  I  don't  say 
that  it  will  be  better  than  the  present  county  government,  but 
I  think  it  will  be  a  great  deal  better,  just  as  the  commissioned 
governed  cities  have  almost  all  shown  instant  and  marked  im- 
provement. Give  a  man  a  good  automobile  and  you  cannot 
guarantee  where  he  will  go  in  it.  You  can  only  guarantee  that 
a  good  automobile  will  take  him  wherever  he  wants  to  go  more 
surely  than  a  loos,e-jointed,  ramshackle  automobile  will. 


94  SHORT   BALLOT 

But  the  most  happy  result  to  be  obtained  by  the  county  man- 
ager plan  is  the  wiping  out  of  the  rank  injustice  inherent  in  the 
present  mechanism,  where  officials  are  damned  for  things  they 
did  not  do  and  praised  for  things  which  they  could  not  help; 
where  good  work  goes  unnoticed  and  bad  work,  too ;  where 
officials  are  blamed  for  things  they  could  not  help  because  the 
vital  co-operation  of  some  other  county  officer  was  lacking. 
There  will  be  no  more  sheriffs  who  deplore  the  condition  of  their 
jails  and  cannot  get  money  to  make  them  right,  and  no  more 
boards  of  supervisors  who  give  the  sheriff  money  enough,  but 
can't  make  him  spend  it  judiciously.  When  the  lines  of  respon- 
sibility are  clear  and  straight  and  simple,  we  will  find  our 
county  governments  in  a  new  and  brighter  atmosphere,  lighted 
up  by  the  healthy  scrutiny  of  the  whole  people. 

Short  Ballot   Bulletin.     i:No.  7.  2-3.     February,   191 2 

Personal  Suggestion  for  a  Model  County.     Richard  S.  Childs 

Rules  for  planning  a  county  or  any  government : 

1.  The  tax  levying  and  tax  spending  bodies  should  be  one. 

(a)  So  that  it  will  have  the  power  to  raise  money  needed  to 
give  good  service — if  the  public  demands  good  service. 

(b)  So  that  it  will  have  power  to  compel  economy  of  service 
if  the  public  demands  low  taxes. 

2.  The  ballot  should  be  short  and  the  elective  officers  all 
conspicuous. 

In  other  words,  put  the  officials  between  two  fires! 

3.  The  power  that  makes  the  law  should  be  obliged  to  face 
the  public  resistance  to  its  enforcement. 

(a)  So  that  public  resentment  will  act  only  on  those  who 
have  power  to  amend  the  law. 

(b)  So  that  laws  will  not  be  nullified  by  local  non-enforce- 
ment. 

As  a  judicial  unit  the  county  enforces  state-made  laws.  The 
people  of  the  county  should  not  have  power  to  nullify  a  statute 
by  electing  a  local  judge,  sheriff  or  prosecuting  attorney  pledged 
to  ignore  or  soften  a  state  law.  .\  public  sentiment  hostile  to 
the  law  should  find  no  vent  save  against  the  local  members  of 
the  legislature,  who  have  power  to  correct  the  law  at  its  source 
in    the   legitimate   way.     .\s   county    courts   caimot    set    aside   or 


SHORT   BALLOT  95 

modify  statutes  the  sentiment  in  favor  of  electing  judges  because 
of  their  practically  legislative  powers  does  not  apply.  There- 
fore let  the  county  judges  be  appointed  by  the  governor, 
let  the  court  appoint  its  own  clerk  and  its  own  sheriff  to 
keep  prisoners,  execute  warrants,  summons  and  carry  out 
sentences.  Make  the  prosecuting  attorney  an  appointive 
subordinate  of  the  attorney-general  of  the  state,  who  in  turn 
should  be  appointed  by  the  governor.  Let  the  prosecuting  at- 
torney have  as  much  of  the  sheriff's  power  as  he  needs  to  get 
witnesses  and  evidence  and  to  make  arrests. 

Thus  far  we  have  roughly  followed  in  the  state  the  federal 
plan,  the  county  courts  being  parallel  to  the  federal  district 
courts,  the  S'heriffs  to  the  federal  marshals,  the  prosecuting 
attorney  to  the  district  attorney.  The  state  will  pay  all  the  bills 
of  the  judicial  system,  maintain  the  courthouses,  prisons,  etc. 

The  county  clerk  does  what  the  state  requires.  The  state 
therefore  should  pay  the  bills  and  appoint  the  clerk,  making  him 
the  local  member  of  the  staff  of  the  secretary  of  state,  who  in 
turn  should  be  appointed  by  the  governor. 

As  a  business  unit  for  maintaining  roads,  schools,  etc.,  the 
county  is  purely  local  in  function  and  it  should  authorize  the 
board  of  supervisors  to  do  the  work  and  collect  the  necessary 
taxes  to  pay  for  it.  The  supervisors  should  have  power  to  hire 
and  fire,  for  without  this  power  they  cannot  compel  efficiency 
in  subordinates  or  be  held  responsible  for  the  tax  rate.  They 
appoint  their  own  treasurer,  surveyor,   road  commissioners,  etc. 

Abolish  the  county  auditor  and  establish  a  state  examiner 
under  the  appropriate  member  of  the  governor's  cabinet,  with 
power  to  investigate  and  criticize  any  county  management  at  any 
time  and  report  to  the  public,  but  not  to  interfere  or  dictate. 

In  many  well  settled  parts  of  the  country  there  are  no  purely 
business  functions  of  the  county  which  could  not  easily  and 
appropriately  be  taken  over  by  the  several  cities  and  townships 
therein.  This  should  be  done  where  possible,  whereupon  the 
county  as  a  political  entity  would  disappear  entirely.  Nobody 
would  mourn  but  the  politicians,  whose  stoutest  and  most  pic- 
turesque citadel  would-be  destroyed. 


96  SHORT   BALLOT 

World's  Work.     26:274.     July.   1913 
County  Commission  Government 

A  short  ballot  and  a  simple  and  responsible  government  are 
hopeful  political  tendencies.  There  are  two  or  three  cities  with 
managers  and  two  or  three  hundred  with  commission  form  of 
government.  Eleven  governors  this  spring  urged  the  principles 
of  the  Short  Ballot  in  their  annual  messages,  and  the  Governor 
of  Kansas  believes  that  "'states  as  well  as  cities  should  be  ruled 
b}'  commission." 

In  the  meanwhile  in  the  counties,  a  most  important  but  some- 
what neglected  field  of  government,  the  new  idea  has  taken  hold. 
On  June  2d  last,  Los  Angeles.  County,  Cal.,  took  advantage  of  a 
recent  amendment  to  the  state  constitution  that  permits  counties 
to  try  the  simplified  form  of  government.  It  leaves  only  three 
officers  besides  the  supervisors  to  be  elected :  the  sheriff,  the 
district  attorney,  and  the  assessor.  The  supervisors  appoint  the 
other  eight  county  officers  from  the  eligible  civil  service  list. 
The  supervisors  can,  also,  have  as  many  or  as  few  deputies, 
clerks,  janitors,  and  the  like  as  the  county's  business  requires, 
instead  of  a  number  fixed  by  the  legislature,  as  had  been  the 
case  formerly. 

The  whole  machinery  that  carries  on  the  county  affairs  is 
not  only  given  a  chance  to  be  pliable  and  elastic  but  it  is  at  the 
same  time  greatly  reduced  and  simplified.  For  example,  for- 
merly the  sheriff  and  the  constables  were  independent  of  each 
other,  and  asi  their  duties  overlapped  they  were  in  constant 
conflict.     Now  the  constables  are  ex  officio  deputy  sheriffs. 

All  the  authority  is  in  the  hands  of  the  supervisors  and  all 
the  responsibility  is  upon  them.  The  people  can  tell  whom  to 
praise  and  whom  to  blame,  whom  to  defeat  at  the  polls  and 
whom  to  reelect ;  and  the  ballot  has  been  so  simplified  that  there 
will  be  little  danger  of  the  voters  confusing  the  issue. 

An  additional  purpose  in  putting  the  commission  govern- 
ment in  Los  Angeles  County,  which  may  also  be  characteristic 
elsewhere,  is  the  desire  to  get  coimty  "home  rule,"  to  free  the 
county  from  rigid  adherence  to  general  state  laws  tiiat  have 
been  framed  at  the  distant  cai)ital. 

The  operation   of   the    provision    for   a   comity    road   coniuiis 
sioner  will  be  watched  everywhere  with  great  interest,  for  the 
method  of  road  construction  and  maintenance,  now  universal  in 


SHORT    BALLOT  97 

tlie  western  states,  by  supervisorial  districts  and  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  several  supervisors,  is  a  clumsy  confusion  of  legisla- 
tive and  administrative  functions  that  has  had  lamentable  results 
upon  rural  highways. 

Los  Angeles  County  has  entered  hopefully  upon  a  most  inter- 
esting experiment  that  may  very  possibly  be  as  important  a 
contribution  to  democratic  government  as  the  commission  plan 
has  already  proved  itself  to  be  in  the  cities. 

Equity.     16:53-5.     January,  1914 

County  Problem 

The  county  problem  in  New  York  state  is  more  serious  than 
most  citizens  realize.  In  fact,  a  very  serious  phase  consists  of 
this  very  lack  of  recognition.  Within  the  last  few  years  the 
administration  of  county  affairs,  at  rather  widely  separated 
points,  has  been  brought  dramatically,  but  temporarily,  to  the 
attention  of  the  public.  When  Martin  H.  Glynn  w-as  comptroller, 
one  of  his  greatest  services  to  the  state  was  his  general  raking 
over  of  the  boards  of  supervisors,  county  treasurers  and  super- 
intendents of  the  poor  in  about  five  counties.  The  method 
of  conducting  public  business  in  these  places  was  unspeakably 
bad.  In  one  county  where  maladministration  had  about  run 
its  course,  the  board  of  supervisors  had  practically  abdicated 
its  functions  to  an  unbonded  clerk,  who  proceeded  to  pay  out 
the  county  funds  with  no  other  audit  or  sanction  than  his  own 
sweet  will.  An  investigation  into  his  affairs  led  this  official 
finally  to  suicide. 

Work  of  a  far  more  constructive  sort  is  now  being  'done 
by  some  of  the  same  men  in  the  comptroller's  office,  whose 
investigations  several  years  ago  led  -  to  numerous  indictments. 
Also  an  exceedingly  useful  work  is  being  conducted  in  the 
large  county -of  Westchester  by  the  Bureau  of  Research  in 
\\'estchester  County. 

The  secretary  of  this  bureau,  in  a  recent  address,  gave  what 
seems  to  be  a  description  of  typical  conditions  in  the  counties 
of  New  York  state,  when  he  made  this  summary  of  his  findings : 

Complex  and  confusing  masses  of  legislation  affecting  the  different 
communities  in  varying  degrees. 

Inadequate,  unsatisfactory  and  wasteful  taxation  systems.  Two  hundred 
and  twelve  paid  tax  officials  performing  the  work  of  ten.     Ten  expert  men 


98  SHORT   BALLOT 

for  salaries   of   from   five   thousand   down    to   fifteen   hundred   a   year   would 
have    perfoimed    that    work    much    more    efficiently    and    gotten    the    tax' 
collected    with    a    very    much    smaller    residuum    of    arrears    to   be    collectt 
by   sale  than   these   212,   who   didn't  know   very   much   about   it   except   hf^  ■ 
the  other  fellow  had  done  it  before  them. 

Inadequate  and  antiquated  systems  of  accounting  for  public   funds. 

V^iolations,  evasions,  misrepresentations  and  neglect  of  the  laws,  by 
public  officials — many  of  such  irregularities  unintentional,  because  thr 
men   did  not  know  they   were  violating   the  law. 

Unnecessary  sickness  and  needless  deaths  from  preventable  diseasc- 
due  to   inadequate  sanitary  inspection  and  control. 

Waste  and  extravagance  in  many  administrative  departments. 

Capable  officials  compelled  to  depart  from  or  very  freely  interpret  the 
law,  or  even  to  obtain  special  legislation  to  enable  them  to  achieve  efficient 
and  economical  service. 

Realizing  the  growing  importance  of  the  whole  subject  of 
county  government,  the  New  York  Short  Ballot  Organization 
has  organized  a  series  of  conferences  during  the  present  winter, 
at  which  various  phases  of  county  government  will  be  discussed 
and  the  men  who  have  special  information  on  particular  sub- 
jects will  be  invited  to  address  the  members.  One  very  success- 
ful meeting  has  already  been  held.  The  conference  will  devote 
considerable  discussion  to  actual  legislation  to  be  introduced 
during  the  coming  winter. 

The  constructive  problem  in   New  York  state  presents  itse:' 
somewhat  in  this  way :     In  the  first  place,  the  constitution  bloc- 
any   thoroughgoing   Short  Ballot  reform  by  a   requirement   that 
the  county  clerk,  the  district  attorney,  the  sheriff  and  the  register 
must   be    elective    officers.     It    is    probable,    therefore,    that    one 
measure  to  be  promoted  in  the  near  future  will  be  a  constitn 
tional  amendment  which  will  permit  the  legislature  to  determin 
whether  or  not  these  county  officers  shall  be  elective  or  afpoini 
ive.     In  this  way  it  will  be  legally  possible  to  secure  the  passage 
of  alternative   simplified   forms  of  county  organization,  any  ou< 
ni   which    may  be   adopted   by   the   people   of   the   coimty    by 
referendum  vote. 

But  even  under  the  constitution  as  it  stands,  there  is  possibN 
a  certain  measure  of  Short  Ballot  reform,  and  what  is  pcrhap 
equally  important,  the  greater  unification  of  the  official  orgam 
zation.     New   York   is   one   of   those    few   statesi  in   which   the 
county  is  organized  on  the  basis  of  the  township  plan  of  local 
government.     The  governing  body  of  the  county  which  is  respon- 


SHORT   BALLOT  99 

sible  for  the  general  financial  management  of  its  affairs,  is 
composed  of  the  supervisors  of  the  various  towns.  In  large 
counties  like  Westchester,  Erie  and  Onondaga,  the  board  of  super- 
visors on  this  basis  is  an  unwieldy  body  which  has  no  continu- 
ous and  intimate  connection  with  the  various  county  ofl&cers. 
It  is  this  fact,  perhaps,  more  than  an\i;hing  else,  which  explains 
the  difficulties  pointed  out  by  Mr.  Cartwright  No  county  officer 
really  represents  the  unitv-  of  the  county. 

To  remedy  this  condition  it  is  proposed  to  present  a  bill 
providing  for  an  optional  form  of  count>-  organization,  in  which 
the  governing  body  will  consist  of  a  board  of  three  supervisors 
elected  at  large.  In  order  to  give  this  board  a  point  of  contact 
with  the  rest  of  the  organization,  provision  will  be  made  for  a 
county  manager  to  act  under  their  direction,  who  will  appoint  the 
superintendents  of  the  poor  and  the  county  treasurer.  Later  on, 
if  the  constitutional  amendment  is  passed,  still  greater  appointing 
power  may  be  conferred  upon  this  officer,  who  will  also  be 
purchasing  agent  and  budget  commissioner  and  exercise  in  gen- 
eral the  range  of  functions  conferred  upon  the  cit>-  manager  in 
the  cities  organized  under  the  new  system. 


National  Short  Ballot   Organization 

First   Short  Ballot  County 

\Mien  the  great  political  turn-over  took  place  in  California  in 
1910,  a  legislature  was  elected  which  had  been  committed  to  a 
number  of  progressive  propositions,  among  which  was  the 
Short  Ballot  principle.  Soon  the  question  arose  in  the  party 
caucus :     "How  are  we  to  apply  this  principle  to  counties  ?" 

California  has  fifty-odd  counties,  varying  in  population  from 
less  than  five  hundred  to  more  than  five  hundred  thousand ; 
there  is  also  every  conceivable  variation  of  physical,  social  and 
industrial  condition.  The  counties  had  all  been  governed  in 
substantially  the  same  way  by  "general"  laws.  But  every-  one 
had  its  peculiar  needs,  so  that  in  order  to  avoid  special  legisla- 
tion, the  legislature  had  passed  a  number  of  "general"  laws 
which,  in  the  nature  of  things  could  only  apply  to  a  single  county. 
This  had  become  a  nuisance. 


98  SHORT   BALLOT 

for  salaries  of  from  five  thousand  down  to  fifteen  hundred  a  year  would 
have  performed  that  work  much  more  efficiently  and  gotten  the  taxes 
collected  with  a  very  much  smaller  residuum  of  arrears  to  be  collected 
by  sale  than  these  212,  who  didn't  know  very  much  about  it  except  how 
the  other  fellow  had  done  it  before  them. 

Inadequate  and  antiquated  systems  of  accounting  for  public   funds. 

Violations,  evasions,  misrepresentations  and  neglect  of  the  laws,  by 
public  officials — many  of  such  irregularities  unintentional,  because  th*- 
men  did  not  know  they  were  violating  the  law. 

Unnecessary  sickness  and  needless  deaths  from  preventable  diseas' - 
due  to  inadequate  sanitary  inspection  and  control. 

Waste  and  extravagance  in  many  administrative  departments. 

Capable  officials  compelled  to  depart  from  or  very  freely  interpret  the 
law,  or  even  to  obtain  special  legislation  to  enable  them  to  achieve  efficient 
and  economical  service. 

Realizing  the  growing  importance  of  the  whole  subject  of 
county  government,  the  New  York  Short  Ballot  Organization 
has  organized  a  series  of  conferences  during  the  present  winter, 
at  which  various  phases  of  county  government  will  be  discussed 
and  the  men  who  have  special  information  on  particular  sub- 
jects will  be  invited  to  address  the  members.  One  very  success- 
ful meeting  has  already  been  held.  The  conference  will  devote 
considerable  discussion  to  actual  legislation  to  be  introduced 
during  the  coming  winter. 

The  constructive  problem  in  New  York  state  presents  itself 
somewhat  in  this  way :  In  the  first  place,  the  constitution  blocks 
any  thoroughgoing  Short  Ballot  reform  by  a  requirement  that 
the  county  clerk,  the  district  attorney,  the  sheriff  and  the  register 
must  be  elective  officers.  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  one 
measure  to  be  promoted  in  the  near  future  will  be  a  constitu- 
tional amendment  which  will  permit  the  legislature  to  determine 
whether  or  not  these  county  officers  shall  be  elective  or  appoint- 
ive. In  this  way  it  will  be  legally  possible  to  secure  the  passage 
of  alternative  simplified  forms  of  county  organization,  any  one 
of  which  may  be  adopted  by  the  people  of  the  coimty  by  a 
referendum  vote. 

But  even  under  the  constitution  as  it  stands,  there  is  possible 
a  certain  measure  of  Short  Ballot  reform,  and  what  is  perhaps 
equally  important,  the  greater  unification  of  the  official  organi- 
zation. New  York  is  one  of  those  few  statesi  in  which  the 
county  is  organized  on  the  basis  of  the  township  plan  of  local 
government.     The  governing  body  of  the  county  which  is  respon- 


SHORT   BALLOT  99 

sible  for  the  general  financial  management  of  its  afifairs,  is 
composed  of  the  supervisors  of  the  various  towns.  In  large 
counties  like  Westchester,  Erie  and  Onondaga,  the  board  of  super- 
visors on  this  basis  is  an  unwieldy  body  which  has  no  continu- 
ous and  intimate  connection  with  the  various  county  officers'. 
It  is  this  fact,  perhaps,  more  than  anything  else,  which  explains 
the  difficulties  pointed  out  by  Mr.  Cartwright.  No  county  officer 
really  represents  the  unity  of  the  county. 

To  remedy  this  condition  it  is  proposed  to  present  a  bill 
providing  for  an  optional  form  of  county  organization,  in  which 
the  governing  body  will  consist,  of  a  board  of  three  supervisors 
elected  at  large.  In  order  to  give  this  board  a  point  of  contact 
with  the  rest  of  the  organization,  provision  will  be  made  for  a 
county  manager  to  act  under  their  direction,  who  will  appoint  the 
superintendents  of  the  poor  and  the  county  treasurer.  Later  on, 
if  the  constitutional  amendment  is  passed,  still  greater  appointing 
power  may  be  conferred  upon  this  officer,  who  will  also  be 
purchasing  agent  and  budget  commissioner  and  exercise  in  gen- 
eral the  range  of  functions  conferred  upon  the  city  manager  in 
the  cities  organized  under  the  new  system. 


National  Short  Ballot  Organization 

First   Short  Ballot  County 

When  the  great  political  turn-over  took  place  in  California  in 
1910,  a  legislature  was  elected  which  had  been  committed  to  a 
number  of  progressive  propositions,  among  which  was  the 
Short  Ballot  principle.  Soon  the  question  arose  in  the  party 
caucus:     "How  are  we  to  apply  this  principle  to  counties?" 

California  has  fifty-odd  counties,  varying  in  population  from 
less  than  five  hundred  to  more  than  five  hundred  thousand; 
there  is  also  every  conceivable  variation  of  physical,  social  and 
industrial  condition.  The  counties  had  all  been  governed  in 
substantially  the  same  way  by  "general"  laws.  But  every  one 
had  its  peculiar  needs,  so  that,  in  order  to  avoid  special  legisla- 
tion, the  legislature  had  passed  a  number  of  "general"  laws 
which,  in  the  nature  of  things  could  only  apply  to  a  single  county. 
This  had  become  a  nuisance. 


102  SHORT   BALLOT 

Other  Improvements 

The  selection  of  appointive  county  officers,  from  lowest  to 
highest  (with  certain  exceptions),  is  to  be  made  on  the  basis  of 
competitive  examination,  under  the  direction  of  an  independent 
civil  service  board.  This,  too,  is  an  important  advance,  for  it  is 
only  in  a  handful  of  counties  throughout  the  whole  country  that 
the  merit  system  applies. 

The  fee  system  is  abolished.     Officers  are  to  receive  salaries. 

The  constabulary  is  to  be  under  the  control  of  the  sheriff. 
There  will  not  be,  as  formerlj',  two  sets  of  peace  officers  con- 
stantly disputing  each  other's  authority. 

A  county  counsel  will  be  appointed  to  keep  the  various  officers 
keyed  up  to  the  complex  procedure  provided  by  law  to  direct  the 
county  officers.  They  will  have  no  excuse  for  developing  a 
"common  law"  of  their  own  by  following  the  precedents  of  the 
office  rather  than  the  statutes. 

The  system  which  this  charter  sets  up  is  not  a  perfect  one. 
For  example,  it  does  not  do  away  with  much  unnecessary  dupli- 
cation of  effort  between  city  and  county.  It  clings  to  the 
trgidition  that  makes  the  sheriff  an  elective  officer,  though  nine- 
tenths  of  his  duties  are  simply  those  of  executing  court  orders. 
It  continues  the  county  assessor  and  district  attorney  as  political 
officers  when  they  should  be  selected  for  expert  qualifications. 
It  leaves  the  justices  of  the  peace  on  the  elective  list,  in  spite  of 
the  pettiness  of  their  jurisdiction. 

So  much  of  criticism  is  due  from  our  particular  viewpoint. 
But,  on  the  whole,  it  looks  like  the  beginning  of  a  new  age  in 
American  counties. 

The  Alameda  Plan 

Los  Angeles  is  the  pioneer.  But  another  California  com- 
munity is  undertaking  a  much  more  pretentious  piece  of  work. 
The  Tax  Association  of  Alameda  County  has  a  plan  of  county 
federation  in  which  the  Short  Ballot  and  expert  administration 
under  an  appointive  manager  are  the  dominant  principles.  The 
adjustment  of  city  and  county  relations  would  be  effected  on  the 
principle  that  the  county  should  be  made  more  important  and 
incidentally,  more  interesting  to  its  citizens,  by  charging  it  with 
the  whole  system  of  duties  which  constitute  the  local  exercise 
of  the   police   power,    which    is   divided   at   present   between   the 


SHORT   BALLOT  IQ3 

county  and  the  cities.  The  county  would  also  take  over  several 
matters  of  routine  administration,  so  that  the  office-work  of  the 
cities  and  the  county  (a  big  item  of  expense),  could  be  cen- 
tralized and  standardized.  At  the  same  time,  the  cities  would 
have  every  opportunity  to  develop  their  individuality  in  the 
matter  of  public  works,  education,  etc. 

Conditions  in  California  are  not  so  very  "peculiar,"  after  all. 
New  York,  Texas,  Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  have  quite  as  great  a 
diversity  of  conditions  to  deal  with.  County  governments  in 
most  of  the  states  are  working  under  substantially  the  same 
form  of  organization  which  the  old  California  law  provides ;  so 
that  these  local  systems  have  a  very  general  significance.  The 
rest  of  the  country  will  do  well  to  watch  California's  experi- 
ments. 

Survey.     31:490.     January  24,  1914 

Commission   Government  and  Paid  Managers   for   Counties. 
H.    S.    Gilbertson 

The  New  York  legislature  now  in  session  will  be  asked  by 
the  Short  Ballot  Organization  to  do  away  with  the  present  cum- 
bersome system  of  county  government  by  a  large  board  of 
supervisors  and  a  long  list  of  elected  officers. 

A  bill  has  been  prepared  in  an  optional  form  with  provision 
for  its  adoption  in  any  county  by  referendum,  substituting  a 
board  of  supervisors  of  three  members,  elected  at  large  in  rota- 
tion for  a  term  of  three  years,  in  place  of  the  present  cumber- 
some body.  This  board  would  take  over  all  the  functions  of  the 
present  board  except  those  specifically  conferred  upon  a  new 
officer  to  be  known  as  the  "county  manager." 

This  new  official  would  be  under  the  direct  control  of  the 
board  and  serve  as  their  executive  agent.  He  would  have  ample 
powers  of  inquisition  and  would  actually  appoint  the  county 
superintendent  of  the  poor,  the  treasurer  and  other  statutory 
officers  except  the  auditor,  or  comptroller,  and  coroners.  He 
would  receive  the  fiscal  estimates  of  the  various  officers  and 
present  them  to  the  board  of  supervisors  with  his  recommenda- 
tions.    He  would  act  as  purchasing  agent. 

There  would  fall  upon  him,  in  short,  all  of  the  detailed 
work  of  the  present  board  of  supervisors  except  the  bookkeeping 


104'  SHORT   BALLOT 

element  in  the  auditing.  In  larger  counties  this  latter  function 
would  fall  to  the  county  comptroller  who  is  now  provided  by 
law  as  an  optional  officer. 

It  is  the  intention  that  the  county  manager  have  a  salary 
sufficient  to  attract  trained  men  and,  to  widen  the  field  of  selec- 
tion, it  is  specifically  provided  that  he  need  not  be  a  resident  of 
the  county.  This  feature  duplicates  the  "city  manager  plan"  in 
operation  in  Dayton  and  Springfield,  Ohio,  and  other  cities. 

To  make  reasonably  sure  that  the  board  of  supervisors  would 
give  the  county  manager  power  to  carry  out  his  duties,  provision 
is  made  in  the  bill  for  an  administrative  code,  required  to  be 
enacted  by  the  board.  This  would  contain  in  detail  the  pro- 
cedure relating  to  the  purchase  of  supplies,  the  form  of  contracts, 
the  regulations  concerning  the  budget  and  department  reports. 

The  coroners  would  be  appointed  by  the  district  attorney, 
thereby  tending  more  closely  to  unify  the  machinery  of  criminal 
justice. 

When,  if  ever,  the  constitution  is  amended  so  that  the  prni- 
cipal  county  officers  may  be  made  appointive,  a  further  unification 
of  the  functions  of  the  board  of  supervisors  could  be  effected 
by  an  extension  of  the  county  manager's  powers  of  appointment. 
An  amendment  with  this  end  in  view  will  probably  be  presented 
to  the  legislature. 

The  need  for  the  new  plan  is  pressing.  The  organized  Short 
Ballot  movement  was  not  very  old  before  it  found  that  the 
county  is  a  field  in  which  this  reform  is  i)articularly  appropriate. 
For  the  purpose  of  scraping  an  acquaintance  with  the  subject, 
we  made  a  rather  thorough  examination  of  the  statutes  in  New 
York  state  relating  to  counties  and  county  otficers,  and  found 
some  astonishing  things. 

Here  was  a  unit  of  government  which  had  been  running  along 
for  200  years  without  the  slightest  seinblance  of  an  administra- 
tive head,  or  chief  executive.  There  was  a  board  of  supervisors, 
to  be  sure,  but  its  members  consisted  of  delegates  from  the 
various  towns  who  met  only  at  intervals.  In  the  very  nature  of 
the  case,  they  could  not  be  conversant  with  what  was  going  on 
in  the  other  county  offices.  The  latter  were  nearly  all  in  tlu 
independent  elective  class  and  this  fact,  of  course,  further  mill 
tated  against  an  effective  organization.  We  diagramed  tins 
statutory  situation.  The  result  was  something  which  K)oked 
very  much   like    tlie   tangled   mass   of   steel   girders   in   the    ruins 


SHORT   BALLOT  105: 

of  one  of  the  office  buildings  at   San  Francisco  after  the  great 
fire. 

We  then  began  to  look  around  and  see  how  the  thing  had 
worked  in  practice.  Soon  we  ran  across  an  illuminating  and 
highly  entertaining  set  of  reports  on  certain  up-state  counties, 
which  were  prepared  during  Martin  H.  Glynn's  term  as  comp- 
troller, about  six  years  ago. 

Among  the  things  which  the  investigators  found,  in  at  least 
one  county,  was  a  practically  wide  open  treasury  which  could  he, 
picked  at  the  instance  of  half  a  dozen  elective  officers  because  of 
the  practical  abandonment  of  anything  like  auditing.  In  another 
count}',  by  a  series  of  illegal  resolutions,  the  board  of  supervisors 
actually  abdicated  its  principal  function  as  auditor  of  county  bills 
to  an  appointive  employe  who  served  without  bonds  and  was 
subject  to  no  check  beyond  a  perfunctory  examination.  Vouch- 
ers for  public  expenditures  in  several  counties  were  found  to 
have  been  burned.  Sometimes  they  were  stuffed  away  in  barrels 
in  an  utter  lack  of  sequence  or  order.  Officers  like  the  county 
clerk  or  county  treasurer  had  been  pocketing  fees  which  the 
s-tatutes  plainly  said  were  the  property  of  the  state. 

Some  of  these  evils,  of  course,  could  have  been  corrected 
superficially  by  better  administrative  measures.  But  at  bottom 
the  trouble  was  one  of  bad  fundamental  organization.  The 
boards  of  supervisors  in  many  of  the  New  York  counties  are  too 
absurdly  large  to  perform  the  administrative  functions  which  are 
imposed  upon  them.  Think  of  thirty-eight  men,  as  in  West- 
chester county,  auditing  a  bill  by  acclamation ! 

But  size  is  not  the  only  difficulty.  There  is  no  one  to  repre- 
sent the  unity  of  the  county.  And  that  is  where  the  proposed 
small  board  and  the  county  manager  will  count  strongly. 

Review  of  Reviews.     46:604-8.     November,  1912 

Discovery  of  the  County  Problem.     H.   S.   Gilbertson 

The  misdeeds  of  aldermen  and  legislators  have  a  way  of 
bursting  forth  out  of  a  picturesque,  heroic  setting.  They  break 
into  the  headlines;  the  grand  jury  takes  notice;  public  sentiment 
drives  along  the  prosecution  and  there  follows  a  general  cleaning 
up,  and  perhaps  some  real  constructive  reform.  Even  under 
normal  conditions,  the  possibility  of  attracting  public  attention  is 
likely  to  be  a  useful  preventive. 


io6  SHORT   BALLOT 

But  what  of  a  government  which  does  not  make  such  an 
appeal  to  the  imagination  and  the  dramatic  sense?  The  county 
falls  in  this  category.  It  has  no  big  franchises  to  give  away  and 
no  senators  to  raise  a  "jack-pot."  It  runs  along  in  its  dull, 
prosy  routine,  filing  records  of  real-estate  transfers  and  court 
proceedings,  making  surveys,  executing  court  processes,  and 
keeping  prisoners.  Barring,  here  and  there,  the  activity  of  a 
vigorous  district  attorney,  there  are  few  visible  and  physical 
evidences  that  the  county  is  at  work  at  all — except  in  the  tax- 
collecting  season. 

But  for  all  that  the  county  is  not  the  center  of  the  problem 
of  modern  civilization,  it  is  beginning  to  be  a  field  of  interesting 
discovery.  Particularly  is  it  being  brought  into  sharp  and 
unfavorable  comparison,  in  many  instances,  with  the  city  gov- 
ernments within  its  own  confines,  and  especially  is  this  true 
where  commission  government  has  gained  headway.  The  deni- 
zens of  these  cities  have  witnessed  the  passing  away  of  the  city 
council,  with  its  petty  ward  bickerings  and  its  noisy  inertia,  and 
of  a  hopelessly  ineffective  system  of  administration ;  they  have 
seen  the  foundations  laid  for  efficiency  and  economy  and  secret 
councils  abandoned  for  the  policy  of  the  "open  road." 

The  Contagion  of  Political  Simplicity 

The  inference  is  natural :  If  commission  government  could 
encompass  these  changes  for  cities,  clearly  there  is  a  chance  for 
similar  revamping  of  the  county  system.  And  so  it  happens  that 
in  half  a  dozen  widely  separated  states  where  the  new  simplified 
city  government  has  been  in  operation  for  a  few  years  its  fir<! 
by-product  is  now  a  demand  for  the  reconstruction  of  the  wider 
political  unit.  In  Iowa,  the  County  Clerks'  Association  has 
broken  into  the  situation  by  going  on  record  in  favor  of  a 
method  of  selection  which  would  relieve  them  of  their  elective 
independence  and  place  them  under  the  authority  of  the  district 
judges.  New  Jersey  has  caught  the  idea  of  simplicity,  and  has 
enacted  an  optional  law  which  would  permit  the  abolishment 
of  the  big,  cumbersome  board  of  supervisors  and  substitute  a 
small  commission  vested  with  broad  powers  of  control. 

But  more  notable  than  any  of  these,  and  entirely  original 
in  its  conception,  is  the  constitutional  amendment  in  California, 
which  was  adopted  in  October,  191 1,  and  which  is  now  being 
brought  into  use  in  the  counties  of  Los  Angeles  and  San   Ber- 


SHORT   BALLOT  107 

nardino  and  seriously  discussed  in  several  others.  This  is  the 
measure  by  which  home-rule  in  matters  of  local  self-government 
was  extended  to  counties,  in  somewhat  the  same  form  in  which 
it  had  been  enjoyed  by  the  cities  for  a  period  of  over  thirty 
years.  Its  primary  object  is  to  bring  within  reach  of  the  people 
of  the  counties  the  advantages  of  the  Short  Ballot  and  the 
consequent  fixing  of  responsibility  which  it  entails  without  im- 
posing upon  diverse  communities  any  hard  and  fast  form  of 
organizatioji. 

Proceeding  from  a  still  different  point  of  view,  the  group  of 
Oregon  Progressives,  of  which  Mr.  W.  S.  U'Ren  is  the  leader, 
have  worked  out  a  most  interesting  suggestion  for  county  re- 
form. This  is  part  of  a  radical  reconstruction  of  state  govern- 
ment toward  which  the  initiative  and  referendum  movement  in 
Oregon  had  been  tending.  But  the  details  of  the  Oregon  county 
plan  come  in  for  discussion  at  the  end  of  this  article. 

What  Was  Learned  About  New  York  Counties 
And  not  only  has  the  county  been  coming  to  the  fore  cis  the 
result  of  the  constructive  measures  taken  in  cities,  but  in  a  num- 
ber of  localities,  on  its  own  account,  it  has  achieved  an  unenvi- 
able reputation  for  eating  into  the  finances  of  the  tax-payers 
without  showing  commensurate  benefits.  Some  five  years  ago 
several  counties  in  New  York  began  to  contribute  to  the  high 
cost  of  living  by  sending  the  tax  rate  leaping  and  bounding 
from  thirteen  dollars  per  thousand  valuation  to  amounts  varying 
from  twenty  to  thirty  dollars.  The  state  comptroller  sent  his 
examiners  successively  into  five  or  six  counties  where  they 
disclosed  administrative  conditions  which  were  astonishing,  even 
in  comparison  with  the  revelations  which  have  been  made  public 
in  affairs  of  great  cities, — so  very  astonishing  in  fact  that  the 
examinations  came  to  a  sudden  stop. 

Literally,  the  comptroller  found  a  wide-open  treasury,  which 
could  be  picked  at  the  instance  of  half  a  dozen  elective  officers, 
with  no  one  raising  a  dissenting  voice.  In  one  count}',  by  a 
series  of  resolutions  spread  upon  the  minutes,  and  directly  con- 
trary to  law,  the  board  of  supervisors  had  actually  abdicated 
its  principal  function  as  auditor  of  county  bills  to  an  appointee 
who  served  without  bonds  and  was  subjected  to  no  check  what- 
ever beyond  a  perfunctory  annual  examination.  Vouchers  for 
public   expenditures   were   sometimes   burned,    sometimes    stuffed 


io8  SHORT  BALLOT 

away  in  barrels  and  other  receptacles  without  reference  to  order 
or  sequence.  Officers  like  the  county  clerk  and  the  county 
treasurer  for  years  had  been  pocketing  fees  which  the  statutes 
plainly  stated  were  the  property  of  the  state,  not  because  they 
were  dishonest  but  because  their  predecessors  had  done  so  and 
that  was  the  only  law  they  had  to  be  guided  by,  and  because 
there  was  no  one  by  to  tell  them  any  different  way. 

Incidents  like  these  have  their  local  causes  and  their  local 
significance.  But  when  they  come  from  a  hundred  isolated 
localities  throughout  the  country  they  picture  the  chief  influence 
which  has  molded  county  government,  and  influence  no  better 
called  than  by  the  name  of  neglect.  Neglect  on  the  part  of  the 
public  and  of  publicists ;  neglect  on  the  part  of  everybody  but 
professional  politicians,  who  have  given  the  subject,  in  their 
own  peculiar  way,  the  most  continuous  and  solicitous  care. 

A  Medieval  Institution 

The  county,  even  now,  is  essentially  a  medieval  institution, 
with  modifications  at  special  points  to  meet  the  pressure  of 
modern  life,  and  rarely  has  the  slightest  regard  been  given  to 
the  incongruities  and  absurdities  of  some  of  the  combinations 
in  making  the  adjustments.  For  how  else  could  anything  short 
of  a  species  of  medieval-mindedness  persuade  us  to  take  seri- 
ously such  an  officer  as  the  sheriff?  Modern  political  organiza- 
tion has  reduced  this  erstwhile  powerful  officer  to  the  dimensions 
of  a  court  messenger.  Once  he  was  the  personal  representative 
of  th?  King  in  the  county  and  the  "Keeper  of  King's  Peace' 
Now,  especially  in  populous  centers,  he  has  been  displaced  by 
well-equipped  municipal  police  forces  and  state  militia ;  and  in 
rural  sections  he  is  a  joke.  Rut  while  the  office  itself  has 
atrophied,  its  outward  dignity  is  hardly  less  prepossessing  than 
formerly.  If  in  any  of  the  forty-seven  states  in  which  he  is 
now  an  elective  officer,  a  proposition  were  made  to  reduce  iiini 
to  his  proper  subordination  to  the  judicial  establishment,  a  storm 
of  protest  would  arise  from  ten  thousand  outraged  democrats. 
So  highly  is  the  sheriff  regarded  in  some  of  the  larger  cities 
that  he  is  permitted  to  extract  an  income  estimated  at  $50,000 
per  year,  part  of  which,  of  course,  is  added  to  the  "costs"  of 
litigants  for  e.xtra  (juick  service  of  processes  and  is  hiddoii  away 
in  lawyers'  fees. 

And  the  coroner!  Surely  there  is  a  vast  amoimt  of  humor 
in   our  solemn   march  to  the   polls  to   select   the  gatherer-in  of 


SHORT  BALLOT  109 

dead  men's  bones.  Why  has  not  some  one  suggested  that  this 
officer  be  made  an  attache  of  the  local  health  department? 

This  backwardness  and  conservatism  in  dealing  with  county 
officers  has  been  shown,  in  less  ludicrous  ways,  by  comparison 
with  some  of  the  typical  developments  in  the  cities.  To  illus- 
trate: the  idea  of  the  merit  system  of  civil  service  which  was 
provided  for  the  cities  of  New  York  state  in  1883  was  not 
extended  to  counties  until  1900.  Massachusetts,  which  has  had 
a  mandatory  state-wide  civil  service  law  for  cities  for  many 
years,  has  not  yet  touched  the  problem  in  its  own  civil  divisions ; 
this,  notwithstanding  that  precisely  similar  reasons  for  this  sort 
of  protection  are  present.  However,  it  may  be  scored  on  the 
side  of  progress  that  Cook  County,  Illinois,  is  now  about  to 
install  a  most  complete  and  up-to-date  system,  while  in  New 
Jersey,  the  three  counties  of  Essex,  Mercer,  and  Hudson,  con- 
taining, respectively,  the  cities  of  Newark,  Trenton,  and  Jersey 
City,  have  recently  adopted  the  state  civil  service  law  by  popular 
referendum. 

Likewise,  the  principle  of  non-partisan  elections  for  local 
officers,  now  in  vogue  in  hundreds  of  cities  and  recognized  in 
these  units  as  a  practicably  incontestable  proposition,  has  made 
little  or  no  headway  in  counties,  although  the  reasons  for  apply- 
ing the  principle  here  are  doubtly  cogent.  The  obscurity  of 
county  officers,  the  uninteresting  character  of  their  work,  and 
the  consequent  lack  of  publicity  which  surrounds  their  activity 
make  for  dark  passages  and  by-ways  of  politics  which  directly 
favor  any  sort  of  bad  political  and  business  practice  of  which 
irresponsible  individual  officers  or  county  rings  are  capable. 
And,  incidentally,  these  same  "rings"  are  important  component 
parts  of  state  machines. 

The  Long  County  Ballot 

From  the  standpoint  of  efficient  citizenship,  the  really  serious 
side  of  county  politics  is  the  effect  which  it  has  upon  the 
unwieldiness  and  confusion  of  the  ballot.  It  usually  happens 
that  the  county  officers  are  chosen  at  the  same  time  as  the  state, 
judicial,  and  sometimes  even  city  ticket.  As  Mr.  Roosevelt  said 
in  his  Columbus  speech : 

You  cannot  get  good  service  from  a  public  servant  if  you  cannot  see 
him,  and  there  is  no  more  effective  way  of  hiding  him  than  by  mixing 
him  up  with  a  multitude  of  others  so  that  they  are  none  of  them 
important  enough  to  catch  the  eye  of  the  average  work-a-day  citizen. 


no  SHORT   BALLOT 

If  the  district  attorney  were  not  mixed  up  with  twenty  other 
county  officers  of  decidedly  less  importance,  his  office  would  un- 
doubtedly be  stronger  for  standing  in  the  concentrated  rays  of 
public  opinion.  If  the  supervisors  could  stand  out  from  the 
county  surveyor,  the  coroner,  and  the  county  clerk,  the  citizens 
would  not  have  to  distribute  their  attention  over  a  long  line  of 
meaningless  names.  Aldermanic  candidates  in  Chicago  are  no 
longer  mixed  up  with  a  multitude  of  unknown  and  unimportant 
county  candidates,  and  no  doubt  this  fact  has  much  to  do  with 
the  higher  tone  of  Chicago's  governing  body  in  recent  years. 
The  Los  Angeles  ballot  in  the  November  election  in  1910  con- 
tained a  list  of  forty-five  sets  of  candidates,  more  than  half  of 
whom  were  for  county  offices.  This  situation,  by  the  way,  is 
being  dealt  with  by  the  present  county  charter  framers,  who 
plan  to  put  through  drastic  reduction  in  the  number  of  elective 
officers. 

Faulty   Organisation 

But  in  the  last  analysis,  the  coimty  problem  arises  from  its 
bad  ground  plan  of  organization.  Some  time  ago  the  consoli- 
dated laws  of  New  York  State  were  searched  to  find  out  the 
legal  relations  of  county  officers  to  one  another  and  to  the  state 
government.  Without  attempting  to  influence  the  result,  but 
simply  drawing  his  lines  through  the  most  convenient  open  space, 
a  draftsman  got  the  picture  of  unutterable  confusion  which  ap- 
pears on  the  opposite  page.  A  perfect  switchboard  for  tangled 
lines!  And  what  is  the  meaning  of  it  all?  Simply  that  there  is 
no  positively  real  administrative  headship  and  subordination  in 
the  county  organization. 

The  statutes  contemplate  that  the  board  of  supervisors  shall 
be  responsible  for  the  county's  financial  management.  But  this 
board  is  a  large  body,  consisting  of  one  member  from  each  town 
and  each  ward  of  a  city  within  the  county;  and,  like  county 
boards  of  supervisors  in  other  states,  it  convenes  only  at  certain 
stated  intervals.  Its  members  have  no  special  qualifications  for 
administrative  work.  There  is  no  continuous  supervision  of 
the  county  business. 

The  other  administrative  officers  of  the  county,  like  the  treas- 
urer and  the  superinteudcnts  of  the  poor,  are  independent  of 
their  direct  control  because  of  their  separate  election  and  are 
removable  not  by  their  putative  superiors  themselves,  but  by  the 


SHORT   BALLOT 


2  u 


112  SHORT   BALLOT 

distant  governor,  who  may  or  may  not  act  when  his  attention 
is  called  to  local  conditions.  In  cases  of  actual  malfeasance  the 
supervisors  may  recover  on  the  treasurer's  bond,  or  the  attorney- 
general  may  take  such  action  at  the  instance  of  the  comptroller. 
But  this  is  not  that  constant  and  instant  control  which  is  one 
of  the  first  essentials  of  practical  administration. 

To  demonstrate  that  this  absence  of  administrative  control  is 
open  to  more  than  academic  objection,  let  me  cite  the  attitude  of 
the  treasurer  of  Cook  County,  Illinois,  an  official  who  handles 
funds  to  the  amount  of  $50,000,000  a  year.  His  is  a  fee  office, 
and  according  to  the  constitution  of  Illinois  is  under  the  super- 
vision, as  to  the  number  of  his  assistants,  of  the  district  judges. 
During  the  past  year,  after  several  of  the  other  county  officials 
had  submitted  to  the  examination  of  their  accounts  and  their 
office  systems,  the  Bureau  of  Public  Efficiency  undertook,  at  the 
request  of  the  judges,  to  make  an  examination  of  the  treasurer's 
office  for  the  purpose  of  giving  the  judges  data  upon  which  to 
authorize  an  increase  in  the  number  of  clerks.  But  the  treasurer 
refused  to  open  his  office  under  circumstances  which  would  per- 
mit of  effective  examination.  The  judges,  his  legal  superiors, 
had  no  power  to  force  his  hand.  He  was  responsible,  as  he  him- 
self declared,  only  to  his  bondsmen,  and  to  them  only  does  he 
render  any  report  for  the  annual  flow  of  $50,000,000.  The  people 
elect  him.  But  they  do  not  control  him.  They  have  not  even 
the  boon  of  seeing  what  goes  on  in  his  office. 

The  position  of  the  county  treasurer  just  cited  is  an  excellent 
illustration  of  the  theory  generally  underlying  county  organiza- 
tion. It  is  a  "government  of  laws,"  an  intricate  tangle  of  checks 
and  balances  with  positively  no  human  force  to  drive  it.  Like 
a  big  touring  car,  with  the  engine  going  and  the  clutch  on  but 
no  driver  in  the  front  seat,  it  follows  a  devious  path  which  leads 
to  destruction.  No  wonder  that  county  government,  like  the 
old-fashioned  city  organization.s,  inevitably  goes  outside  official- 
dom and  finds  a  driver  in  the  person  of  a  county  boss,  or  an 
irresponsible,  unofficial  form  of  commission  government — the 
county  "ring." 

The  Oregon  Proposal 

In  sharp  contrast  with  the  typical  county  ground  plan  sug- 
gested above  is  the  one  prepared  by  the  Oregon  Progressives. 
Herein  is  recognized  a  principle  which  most  other  practical  re- 


SHORT    BALLOT 


11.3 


formers  appear  to  have  overlooked.  And  this  is  the  fact  that 
the  county  is  neither  a  simple  municipal  corporation  nor  a  mere 
civil  division  of  the  state,  but  partakes  of  the  attributes  of  both. 
Remembering  that  the  administration  of  law  is  a  function  of 
the  state,  the  Oregon  leaders  have  consistently  planned  to  keep 
the  judicial  machinery  distinct  from  that  of  functions  which  are 
properly  the  subject  of  local  control.     Thus,  although  the  judges, 


THE     PEOPLE     OF      THE     COVNTY 


THE    COVNTY 


THE     PEOPLE      OF      THE        STATE 


Richard  S.   Childs'  Suggestions  for  a   Short   Ballot  County 

in  deference  to  local  sentiment,  would  remain  elective,  the  dis- 
trict attorney  and  the  sheriff,  who  constitute  the  principal 
agencies  in  the  administration  of  justice,  would  be  appointees  of 
the  governor.  All  else  in  the  county  is  regarded  as  the  proper 
subject  of  "business"  treatment.  In  the  latter  department,  the 
principles  underlying  the  commission  plan  have  been  brought 
into  play  so  that  the  governing  board  of  the  county  would  be 
a  small  and  "conspicuously  responsible"  body  vested  with  the 
corporate  powers  and  duties  of  the  county.  But,  Oregon-like, 
the  Oregon  plan  goes  just  a  step   further  than  the  commission 


114  SHORT   BALLOT 

plan,  for,  where  the  latter  requires  the  members  of  the  govern- 
ing board  individually  to  supervise  the  somewhat  artificially  divi- 
ded departments  of  administration,  the  former  arranges  for  an 
expert  county  manager,  who  would  act  under  the  direction  of 
the  county  directors.  This  officer  woula  appoint  all  the  local 
subordinates,  such  as  the  treasurer,  counVj  clerk,  and  so  forth. 

As  evidence  of  the  practical  basis  of  this  suggestion,  witness 
this  statement  from  Mr.  U'Ren : 

It  is  commonly  believed  that  the  average  farmer  and  business  man, 
and  even  the  average  private  corporation,  gets  as  much  value  in  business 
for  from  forty  to  sixty  cents  as  our  state  and  local  governments  get  for 
$1.  It  is  not  unusual  to  hear  a  man  of  experience  say,  in  speaking  of  the 
county,  "I  could  take  half  the  money  and  get  better  results  if  I  could 
run  it  on  business  principles  like  I  do  my  own  affairs." 

There  is  experience  to  justify  this  opinion.  In  the  period  from  Janu- 
ary to  July,  1902,  when  the  business  that  is  now  done  by  the  county  clerk's 
office  in  Multnomah  County  was  done  in  three  departments  by  an  elected 
recorder  of  conveyances,  an  elected  clerk  of  the  circuit  court,  and  an 
elected  county  clerk,  the  receipts  were  $13,968.50;  expenses,  $23,938.97. 
It  cost  $1.71  to  do  a  dollar's  worth  of  clerical  work  and  get  the  money. 
In  the  period  from  January  to  June,  1908,  with  the  three  offices  consoli- 
dated in  one,  the  receipts  were  $31,355;  the  expenses  were  $20,200.51.  It 
cost  64  cents  for  the  county  to  do  the  work  and  get  in  one  dollar  under 
Mr.  Field's  management  of  the  business  of  the  three  departments  con- 
solidated in  one. 

Multnomah  County  is  getting  more  work  for  38  cents  than  it  used 
to  get  under  the  old  system  for  $1.  The  direct  nomination  law,  by 
elimination  of  the  party  bosses  and  of  the  machines,  is  in  some  degree 
responsible  for  the  saving,  but  we  believe  it  is  in  equal  degree  due  to  the 
concentration  of  executive  responsibility  and  power  in  the  hands  of  one 
man. 

And  now  we  shall  possibly  see  in  Oregon,  replacing  the  anti- 
quated incoherent  anachronism  which  has  passed  for  county  gov- 
ernment, a  system  which  at  least  in  the  designing  is  thought 
modern  and  scientific, — the  direct  antithesis  of  what  every  reader 
of  these  lines  has  known.  Based  as  it  is  upon  a  thorough 
analysis  of  all  the  constituent  factors  in  county  organization,  it 
is  an  embodiment  of  the  generally  accepted  constructive  idea  in 
recent  political  thought ;  unity  of  organization,  administration  by 
experts,  and  simplicity  of  citizenship  through  the   Short   Ballot. 


CITY  GOVERNMENT 

American   City.     7:  339-43.     October,    1912 

City  Charters  and  the  Short  Ballot.     Harold  S.  Bnttenheim  * 

Alderman  Long — So  St.  Paul  and  New  Orleans  have  been 
bitten  by  that  commission  government  mosquito!  It  seems  to  be 
stinging  the  big  cities  now  as  well  as  the  small  ones.  I  wonder 
where  it  will  light  next. 

Commissioner  Short — I  fear  you  lack  proper  respect  for  the 
wisdom  of  the  two  hundred  or  more  communities  which  have 
adopted  Short  Ballot  charters.  I  should  prefer  to  say  that  they 
have  inoculated  themselves  with  an  antitoxin  against  some  preva- 
lent municipal  ills. 

Long — O,  you  think,  then,  that  the  cities  and  towns  of  the 
United  States  could  be  divided  into  two  groups — Group  No.  i 
comprising  those  under  the  commission  form  of  government,  in 
which  would  be  found  efficiency,  honesty  and  every  municipal 
virtue ;  while  Group  No.  2,  comprising  all  the  rest,  would  be 
synonymous  with  inefficiency,  waste  and  corruption ! 

Short — By  no  means ;  for  I  know  full  well  that  neither 
group  has  a  monopoly  of  all  the  virtues  or  vices ;  and  I  doubt 
not  that  here  and  there  a  city  could  be  found  which  is  better 
governed  under  an  old-fashioned  charter  than  some  other  city 
of  corresponding  size  with  the  commission  form. 

Long — In  other  words,  if  the  people  really  want  good  gov- 
ernment, they  will  get  it  without  one  of  these  new-fangled 
charters ;  and  if  the  reformers  would  spend  as  much  time 
preaching  individual  honesty  as  in  devising  ingenious  plans  for 
running  municipalities,  they  would  accomplish  much  more  that's 
really  worth   while. 

Short — I  can't  agree  with  you  there.  In  the  first  place,  all 
the  honesty  in  the  world  won't  give  us  good  city  government 
without  efficiency.  But  assuming  individual  honesty  to  be  the 
most  important  thing,  hasn't  the  reformer  the  best  of  authority 
for  asking  that  men  should  not  be  led  into  temptation?     If  the 

*  Read  at  the  Annual  Convention  of  the  League  of  American  Muni- 
cipalities at  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  September  18,   1912. 

10 


ii6  SHORT   BALLOT 

Short  Ballot  makes  it  easier  to  poll  an  honest  vote,  and  elect 
able  and  faithful  officials,  doesn't  it  thereby  promote  individual 
honesty  as  well  as  governmental  efficiency? 

Long — That's  a  rather  big  If.  But  if  you  can  prove  your 
premises,  I  am  entirely  willing  to  admit  the  logic  of  your  con- 
clusion. 

Short — To  save  time,  let  us  see  if  there  are  not  some  funda- 
mental premises — axioms,  we  might  almost  call  them — which  we 
can  take  for  granted  without  argument.  I  think  we  will  both 
agree,  for  example: 

(i)  That  the  average  voter  would  prefer  to  cast  his  ballot 
for  an  able  and  honest  official  than  for  one  who  lacks  thest 
attributes. 

(2)  That  this  preference,  however,  is  not  sufficiently  active 
to  make  the  average  voter  spend  very  much  time  in  studying 
the   comparative    merits    of   rival    candidates. 

(3)  That  it  is  easier  for  any  voter — average  or  not — to  dis- 
criminate intelligently  between  the  candidates  for  a  few  offices 
than  between  the  candidates  for  many  offices. 

(4)  That  the  more  important  the  office  to  be  filled,  the 
greater  interest  do  the  voters  take  in  deciding  who  shall  be 
elected  to  fill  it. 

If  you  see  any  flaws  in  these  statements,  Mr.  Long,  let  us 
discuss  them  before  proceeding  further. 

Long — T  am  entirely  willing  to  concede  the  truth  of  your  four 
axioms,  and  must  admit  that,  taken  together,  they  form  a  strong 
argument  for  the  Short  Ballot  as  an  efficient  type  of  election 
machinery.  You  need  only  add  a  fifth  "axiom"  to  the  effect 
that  the  success  of  municipal  government  is  in  direct  proportion 
to  the  efficiency  of  its  election  machinery,  and  you  have  appar- 
ently proved  your  case ;  but  that's  an  axiom  I  can't  swallow. 

Short — Nor  have  I  asked  you  to.  Instead  of  any  fifth  axiom, 
suppose  we  take  as  our  conclusion  the  proposition  that,  other 
things  being  equal,  election  machinery  designed  with  these  four 
axioms  in  mind  may  be  expected  to  set  in  motion  municipal 
activities  of  a  useful  character  with  more  certainty  and  less  fric- 
tion than  would  be  possible  under  a  clumsier  plan. 

Long — With  your  saving  clause  of  "other  things  being  equal," 
I  am  even  willing  to  admit  your  conclusion ;  but  it  strikes  me 
that  you  have  by  no  means  proved  your  case.  You  devise  a 
ballot,   which — considered    merely   as   a   ballot — should    be   most 


I 


SHORT   BALLOT  117 

pleasing  to  everybody  except  the  printers  and  paper  manufac- 
turers ;  then  you  liken  it  to  a  piece  of  machinery  and  assume 
that  it's  the  ideal  thing  with  which  to  turn  the  wheels  of  a  city 
government.  But  to  use  a  similar  metaphor,  I  might  mention 
the  fact  that  a  watch,  though  a  fine,  compact  piece  of  machinery, 
is  for  some  purposes  hardly  as  useful  as  a  larger  (though 
clumsier)  steam  engine;  though,  other  tilings  being  equal ^  it 
might  be.     The  trouble  is,  other  things  aren't  equal. 

Short — It  remains,  then,  to  prove  that  the  Short  Ballot, 
which  you  consider  desirable  in  itself,  has  no  countervailing  dis- 
advantages to  ofifset  its  merits. 

Long — Exactly;  and  to  be  more  specific,  I  will  mention  three 
or  four  of  what  I  think  are  conceded  to  be  the  chief  weaknesses 
of  the  Short  Ballot  plan  as  applied  to  municipalities.  You  might 
knock  them  down,  if  you  can,  one  at  a  time.     First : 

The  Short  Ballot  means  concentration  of  power  and  respon- 
sibility in  a  very  few  hands.  While  this  may  work  well  in  small 
cities,  I  am  convinced  that  in  very  large  municipalities  it  would 
be  unwise. 

Short — My  answer  to  that  objection  is  that  we  have  both 
been  tacitly  assuming  the  Short  Ballot  and  commision  govern- 
ment to  be  synonymous  terms.  As  to  the  wisdom  of  putting 
the  government  of  a  city  the  size  of  St.  Paul  or  New  Orleans 
into  the  hands  of  five  or  eight  rnen,  that  is  a  question  we  might 
-postpone  till  we  have  agreed — as  I  am  sure  we  will — on  the 
wisdom  of  the  Short  Ballot  for  every  city,  no  matter  how  large. 

There  are,  roughly  speaking,  two  (partially  overlapping) 
groups  of  men  in  every  city  government — those  who  determine 
policies,  and  those  who  do  the  actual  work  of  administration  or 
engineering.  It  is  a  fundamental  requirement  that  the  people 
shall  have  the  right  to  participate  in  the  policy-determining 
function  by  choosing  the  men  who  are  to  exercise  it.  But,  hav- 
ing chosen,  for  example,  councilmen  who  are  known  to  favor  a 
sewage  disposal  system  for  their  city,  the  choice  by  popular  vote 
of  an  engineer  to  design  the  plant  or  a  superintendent  to  man- 
age it,  would  obviously  be  unwise. 

Long — Of  course  there  are  many  important  positions  which, 
from  their  very  nature,  cannot  wisely  be  filled  by  popular  vote. 
I  am  well  aware,  too,  that  there  are  many  little  offices  which, 
because  of  their  comparative  unimportance,  will  never  arouse  a 
lively  popular  interest.     Such  offices,  likewise,  should  be  filled  by 


Ii8  SHORT   BALLOT 

appointment,  perhaps  nnder  civil  service  rules.  But  you  have 
not  yet  explained  how,  with  your  Short  Ballot,  you  would  make 
the  policy-determining  branch  of  the  government  sufficiently 
large  in  numbers  to  represent  the  various  sections  and  interests 
of  a  great  city. 

Short — Assuming  a  large  governing  body  to  be  desirable,  the 
difficulty  could  readily  be  met  by  a  judicious  use  of  the  ward 
system.  Suppose,  for  example,  that  in  a  city  of  a  million  inhab- 
itants it  were  deemed  wise  to  have  the  people  elect  thirty  coun- 
cilmen  and  a  mayor.  The  city  might  be  divided  into  fifteen 
wards,  each  to  be  represented  by  two  councilmen.  By  making 
the  length  of  term  four  years,  and  providing  for  the  election  of 
one  representative  from  each  ward  every  two  years,  you  would 
have  a  ballot  on  which  the  voter  would  have  to  choose  only 
one  name  every  second  year,  or  two  names — councilman  and 
mayor — every  fourth  year. 

In  British  cities,  as  you  probably  know,  the  ward  system 
prevails—and  their  governments  are  admirable.  The  voter  in  a 
municipal  election  in  Glasgow,  for  example,  has  the  shortest 
possible  ballot,  for  he  chooses  only  the  one  member  of  council 
from  his  own  ward.  The  councilmen  in  turn  choose  the  alder- 
men, who  also  sit  in  the  council.  The  function  of  the  council  is 
to  determine  policies,  which  are  carried  out  by  the  mayor  and 
other  city  officers  chosen  by  the  council. 

Remember,  I  am  not  expressing  approval  or  disapproval 
the  ward  system  for  large  American  municipalities,  but  am 
merely  pointing  out  that  a  comparatively  large  governing  body 
and  a  very  Short  Ballot  are  not  necessarily  incompatible.  Of  one 
thing  I  am  very  sure — that  with  too  many  councilmen  the  selec- 
tion of  each  becomes  of  such  comparative  unimportance  as  to 
minimize  popular  interest.  In  any  case,  municipal  electi'-'t'-^ 
should  be  held  in  a  separate  year,  or,  at  any  rate,  at  a  separ 
time,  from  state  and  national  elections. 

Long — The  advantages  of  the  Short  Ballot,  as  you  outline 
them,  seem  unanswerable ;  and,  pointing  out,  as  you  do,  that  the 
Short  Ballot  and  commission  government  are  not  necessarily 
synonymous,  I  am  ready  to  concede  the  desirability  of  the  former. 
How  would  you  define  the  Short  Ballot  principle  in  the  briefest 
possible  terms? 

Short — Perhaps  I  cannot  do  bettor  than  to  quote  the  defini- 
tion of  the  National  Short  Ballot  Organization : 


SHORT   BALLOT  llQ 

"First:  That  only  those  offices  should  be  elective  which 
are  important  enough  to  attract  (and  deserve)  public  examina- 
tion. 

"Second :  That  very  few  offices  should  be  filled  by  election 
at  one  time,  so  as  to  permit  adequate  and  uncon fused  public 
examination  of  the  candidates." 

Long — Just  what  effect  does  the  Short  Ballot  have  on  our 
American  system  of  checks  and  balances  as  exemplified  by  a 
legislative  body  consisting  of  an  upper  and  lower  chamber  and 
an  independent  executive? 

Short — The  Short  Ballot  might,  conceivably,  be  used  to  elect 
a  government  organized  on  that  plan ;  but  do  you  really  consider 
the  "separation  of  powers"  to  be  a  desirable  way  to  get  the  best 
results  in  a  municipality?  What  would  you  think  of  a  business 
corporation  whose  stockholders  would  elect  two  boards  of  direc- 
tors with  practically  co-equal  powers,  and  an  executive  respon- 
sible to  neither? 

Long — I  must  admit  that  I  am  coming  to  believe  in  the  con- 
centration of  power  and  responsibility  in  the  hands  of  one  group 
of  men,  chosen  by  the  people  and  with  no  other  elective  city 
officials  to  interfere  with  them.  I  am  less  afraid  of  hasty  and 
unwise  legislation  under  such  a  system  than  I  used  to  be ;  par- 
ticularly if  the  voters  have  the  initiative  and  referendum  for  use 
in  case  of  emergency. 

Short — Why,  that  sounds  like  the  beginning  of  an  argument 
for  the  commission  form  of  government !  Have  you  become 
converted  so  suddenly? 

Long— I  might  as  well  admit  that  my  "mosquito  bite"  remarks 
which  brought  on  this  discussion  were  intended  more  to  draw 
you  out  than  anything  else ;  but  I  may  say  "frankly  that  I  am 
not  prepared  to  accept  any  of  the  "standard"  forms  of  com- 
mission government  charters  as  the  absolutely  final  thing  for 
American  municipalities. 

Short — Nor  am  I ;  though  I  believe  that  most,  if  not  all,  of 
the  cities  and  towns  which  have  adopted  the  commission  form  of 
government  are  being,  or  will  be,  better  governed  than  under 
their  former  charters.  And  this  belief  on  my  part  is  based  chiefly 
on  the  Short  Ballot  and  the  unification  of  powers  which  the 
new  charters  have  brought  about;  but  there  may  be  certain 
weaknesses  in  these  charters  which  further  study  will  remove. 

Long — One  serious  danger  of  a  small  commission  to  govern 


120  SHORT   BALLOT 

a  great  city,  in  the  opinion  of  many,  is  that  too  much  power 
is  thus  placed  in  the  hands  of  too  few  men.  A  commission  of 
five,  if  three  of  them  are  not  of  the  right  kind,  might  be  man- 
ipulated with  great  ease  by  franchise  grabbers. 

Short — That  fear  doesn't  worry  me  a  bit.  In  the  first  place, 
men  who  can  be  manipulated  are  not  apt  to  be  elected  on  a 
Short  Ballot ;  should  any  such  men  happen  to  slide  into  office, 
the  office  itself  is  so  conspicuous  that  manipulation  is  rendered 
exceedingly  difficult.  In  any  case,  the  public  interests  can  readily 
be  protected  by  providing  in  the  charter  that  every  franch.ise 
grant  shall  be  submitted  to  popular  vote;  or,  if  this  is  not  con- 
sidered desirable,  provision  may  be  made  for  an  optional  refer- 
endum, under  which  thirty  or  sixty  days  must  elapse  before  any 
franchise  grant  shall  take  effect,  within  which  time  a  certain 
percentage  of  the  citizens  may  demand  its  further  postponement 
until  ratified  by  popular  vote. 

Long — The  most  conspicuous  weakness  of  the  commission 
form,  in  my  opinion,  is  that  these  charters  usually  place  in  the 
hands  of  five  men,  not  only  the  policy-determining  function,  but 
the  administrative  function  also;  the  same  small  group  of  men 
are  given  power  to  legislate  and  to  enforce  their  own  laws;  to 
appropriate  money  for  public  works  and  to  spend  this  money 
themselves. 

Short — There  I  think  you  have  hit  upon  the  most  funda- 
mental objection  to  the  commission  plan.  But  we  both  agree 
that  our  vaunted  American  system  of  checks  and  balances  hasn't 
solved  it.  The  problem,  I  think,  will  be  partially  solved  by  the 
increasing  perfection  of  our  municipal  civil  service  laws.  And 
of  great  importance  also  will  be  the  gradual  developiiient  and 
training  in  this  country  of  municipal  experts  who  will  be  em- 
ployed by  our  city  cotnmissions  just  as  the  directors  of  a  cor- 
poration now  employ  a  business  manager.  To  return  to  our 
machinery  metaphor,  we  must  remember  that  it's  the  man  with 
his  hand  on  the  lever  on  whom  the  final  responsibility  must  rest. 
The  actual  running  of  the  complicated  machinery  of  a  city  gov- 
ernment shouldn't  be  left  to  novices  like  you  or  me — or  even  to 
five  of  them.  But  this  city  manager  nuist,  of  course,  be  respon- 
sible to  the  conunissioners  and  not  independent  of  them. 

Long — I  understand  that  some  such  plan  is  already  being 
tried. 

Shout     Yes;  the  city  of  Staiintnn,  \'a.,  some  four  years  ago. 


SHORT   BALLOl  121 

elected  a  general  manager,  while  retaining  the  mayor  and  council 
plan  of  government;  and  in  June  of  this  year  Sumter,  S.  C, 
adopted  a  new  charter  providing  for  three  commissioners  draw- 
ing nominal  salaries  ($300  for  the  mayor  and  $200  for  the 
others),  and  giving  only  part  of  their  time  to  directing  the  city's 
business.  These  commissioners  in  turn  choose  a  city  manager, 
who  need  not  be  a  local  resident,  and  who  will  hold  office  at 
their  pleasure.  Provision  is  also  made  in  the  charter  for  the 
initiative,  referendum  and  recall.  The  Sumter  plan  strikes  me 
as  being  an  admirable  one  for  a  small  city. 

Long — An  interesting  elaboration  of  this  idea  is  embodied  in 
the  new  form  of  city  government  proposed  by  the  Business  Sys- 
tem of  Government  Committee  of  Indiana.  Are  you  familiar 
with  it? 

Short — I  understand  it  is  an  attempt  to  adapt  to  municipali- 
ties the  system  of  successful  business  corporations,  but  am  not 
familiar  with  the  details. 

Long — In  brief,  the  Indiana  proposal  contemplates  the  elec- 
tion on  a  non-partisan  ballot  of  a  board  of  councilors,  consisting 
of  25,  17,  II  or  9  members,  the  number  depending  on  the  size 
of  the  city.  The  term  in  each  case  is  four  years,  half  of  the 
councilors  to  be  elected  from  the  city  at  large  every  second  year. 
The  salary  of  each  member  is  fixed  at  $5  for  each  meeting 
attended,  and  not  to  exceed  $200  per  year.  The  board  of  coun- 
cilors has  no  primary  legislative  functions  and  no  administrative 
duties  and  powers,  though  it  finally  passes  on  all  ordinances, 
fixes  the  tax  levy,  and  audits  J;he  public  accounts.  Its  chief  func- 
tion is  to  elect  (and  fix  the  salaries  of)  the  board  of  administra- 
tion of  the  city,  comprising  the  mayor  and  four  commissioners. 
The  board  of  councilors  also  appoints  two  commissioners  of  elec- 
tion and  three  members  of  the  civil  service  commission,  as  well 
as  the  members  of  the  school  board  and  park  commission.  The 
city  government  is  divided  into  five  departments,  in  charge  of 
the  mayor  and  the  other  four  members  of  the  board  of  admini- 
stration, any  one  of  whom  can  be  removed  by  the  councilors  by 
a  two-thirds  vote.  The  councilors,  in  turn,  are  subject  to  recall 
by  the  citizens,  who  also  have  the  initiative  and  referendum 
privileges.  I  understand  that  an  active  campaign  for  this 
"business  system  of  government"  is  now  being  conducted 
by  its  sponsors  in  Indiana.  How  does  the  proposal  impress 
you? 


122  SHORT   BALLOT 

Short — I  judge  that  the  plan  is  based  on  the  theory  that  the 
proposed  board  of  councilors  corresponds  to  the  board  of  direc- 
tors of  a  business  corporation ;  and  that  the  mayor  and  commis- 
sioners correspond  to  the  business  manager  and  heads  of  depart- 
ments, chosen  by  and  responsible  to  the  board  of  directors.  But 
I  see  this  important  distinction :  a  corporation's  directors  have 
a  personal  financial  interest  in  the  successful  management  of 
their  enterprise,  for  the  directors  are  usually  chosen — or  choose 
themselves — from  among  the  largest  stockholders.  In  a  muni- 
cipality, on  the  other  hand,  it  is  essential  that  the  governing 
board  be  kept  free  of  men  who  have  financial  interests  of  their 
own  to  serve;  the  spur  to  effective  work  must  be  civic  pride, 
or,  at  least,  nothing  more  selfish  than  the  desire  to  share,  in  the 
same  degree  as  all  other  citizens,  in  the  city's  welfare.  The 
success  of  the  Indiana  plan  would,  of  course,  depend  largely  on 
the  personnel  of  the  board  of  councilors ;  and  I  fear  that,  with 
17  or  25  men  elected  from  the  city  at  large,  the  ballot  would  be 
too  long  and  the  responsibility  not  sufficiently  concentrated,  to 
secure  the  best  results. 

If  the  board  of  councilors  is  kept  as  large  as  is  proposed, 
and  elected  from  the  city  as  a  whole,  I  believe  the  Indiana  com- 
mittee would  do  well  to  provide  that  such  elections  be  held 
under  some  plan  of  proportional  representation,  such  as  the 
Hare  system  of  a  single  transferable  vote,  which  is  in  successful 
use  in  municipal  elections  in  Denmark  and  the  Union  of  South 
Africa. 

It  strikes  me,  also,  that — in  the  smaller  cities  at  least — the 
dividing  of  the  municipal  government  into  five  executive  depart- 
ments, in  charge  of  five  separate  commissioners,  chosen  from 
outside  of  the  board  of  councilors,  would  be  a  rather  expensive 
and  cumbersome  plan.  In  cities  of  less  than  20,000  population, 
I  believe  that  three  commissioners  would  be  ample ;  and  it  may 
be  that,  in  cities  of  10,000  or  less,  one  man  of  real  ability  would 
be  able  to  supervise  the  administrative  end  of  the  city's  busines- 
The  Indiana  proposal  is,  however,  a  very  interesting  one,  ami 
with  such  modifications  as  further  discussion  and  practical  ex- 
perience may  suggest,  it  may  develop  from  an  Indiana  plan  int> 
an  American  plan. 

Long — If  I  had  the  ear  of  that  Indiana  committee  and  other 
charter  makers,  I  would  suggest  that  they  try  to  work  out  a 
sclieme  by  which  effective  cooperation   would  be  established  In 


I 


SHORT   BALLOT  123 

tween  their  municipal  governments  and  the  commercial  and  civic 
organizations  of  their  respective  cities. 

Short — This,  I  believe,  could  be  done  under  various  forms 
of  charter  by  the  creation  of  an  advisory  board  composed  of 
representatives  of  the  several  commercial  and  civic  bodies  of  the 
city,  duly  elected  by  their  respective  organizations ;  this  advisory 
board  to  suggest  needed  improvements  and  to  recommend  legis- 
lation, but  to  have  no  actual  vote  in  the  municipal  government. 
By  some  such  means  the  best  thought  of  the  business  men  and 
civic  workers  would  be  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  municipal- 
ity. Should  the  governing  body  fail  to  adopt  any  recommenda- 
tion which  the  advisory  board  felt  to  be  desired  by  the  majority 
of  the  citizens,  recourse  might  be  had  to  the  initiative,  or  the 
advisory  board  could  give  its  endorsement  to  candidates  favor- 
able to  its  proposition  at  the  next  municipal  election.  I  have 
long'  thought  that  our  municipal  governments  ought  in  some  way 
to  employ  more  effectively  the  latent,  energy  of  commercial  and 
civic  organizations,  and  am  sure  that  this  is  a  subject  deserving 
of  careful  study  by  charter  makers  and  municipal  officials. 

Long — We  seem  to  be  agreed  on  that  subject. 

Short — I  wonder  if  we  can  agree,  too,  on  a  short  definition 
of  an  ideal  city  charter. 

Long — Perhaps  we  can.     What  have  you  to  suggest? 

Short — That  city  charter  is  ideal  which  regards  municipal 
government,  not  as  an  end  in  itself,  but  as  an  aid  to  the  health, 
happiness  and  prosperity  of  every  citizen ;  and  which,  in  actual 
practice,  accomplishes  its  object  with  the  greatest  degree  of 
economy,  simplicity  and  certainty. 

Long — x\nd  here  is  mine :  That  city  charter  is  ideal  which, 
both  at  and  between  elections,  secures  the  most  effective  co- 
operation among  all  citizens  of  the  municipality  to  the  advance- 
ment of  their  present  and  future  welfare. 

And  that's  the  long  and  the  short  of  it. 

Annals  of  the  American  Academy.     38:816-22. 
November,  191 1 

Short  Ballot  and  the  Commission  Plan.     Richard  S.  Childs 

The  commission  plan  is  at  least  a  relative  success.  Few  cities 
that  have  the  old  style  plan  of  government  by  mayor,  council  and 


124  SHORT   BALLOT 

miscellaneous  minor  elective  officers  are  disposed  to  jubilate 
over  the  results  they  are  getting,  whereas  the  cities  that  have 
the  commission  plan  seem  to  be  unanimous  in  their  willingness 
to  keep  it  indefinitely,  on  the  ground  that  whether  it  be  perfect 
or  not,  it  is  certainly  a  vast  improvement  over  its  predecessor. 
Nothing  in  political  science  can  be  demonstrated  with  mathe- 
matical certainty,  but  I  submit  that  for  the  reasons  that  follow, 
it  seems  reasonable  to  believe  that  the  essential  factor  in  this 
relative  success  of  commission  government  is  the  fact  that  it  has 
happened  to  involve  complete  acceptance  of  "the  Short  Ballot 
principle." 

As  defined  by  The  Short  Ballot  Organization,  "the  Short 
Ballot  principle"  is — 

First — That  only  those  offices  should  be  elective  which  are 
important  enough  to  attract  (and  deserve)  public  examination; 
and 

Second — That  very  few  offices  should  be  filled  by  election  at 
one  time,  so  as  to  permit  adequate  and  uncon fused  public  exami- 
nation of  the  candidates. 

Commission  government,  vesting  the  power  in  a  single  board 
which  is  so  small  and  so  powerful  that  the  individual  member 
is  conspicuous,  conforms  precisely  to  this  principle.  There  are 
observable  certain  phenomena  in  the  operation  of  commission 
government  which  are  clearly  traceable  to  its  Short  Ballot. 

First,  the  people  know  what  they  are  doing  on  election  day. 
Any  foreigner  would  instantly  take  it  for  granted  that  this  is  a 
necessity  for  a  workable  democracy,  but  in  this  country  so 
obvious  a  fact  has  been  consistently  ignored.  In  every  city  under 
the  old  style  of  government,  we  see  great  multitudes  of  people 
voting  a  "straight  ticket,"  not  because  of  any  overwhelming 
loyalty  to  their  party,  but  because  they  know  of  nothing  better 
to  do.  The  typical  American  voter  votes  for  his  mayor  with 
clear  conviction.  He  can  argue  about  the  mayor  on  the  street 
with  any  voter,  can  explain  his  reasons  for  his  vote,  is  armed 
with  a  considerable  array  of  facts  and  history,  and  his  vote 
represents  a  well-formed  opinion.  The  mayors  of  typical  old- 
style  cities  are  correspondingly  better  representatives  of  public 
opinion  than  the  various  obscure  officers  who  make  up  the  rest 
of  the  ticket,  and  politicians  consistently  nominate  figureheads 
for  the  mayoralty  because  they  nuist  have  as  candidate  some 
man   who   can   sfaiul   the   liincliglit.     In   this   matter   of    the  con- 


SHORT   BALLOT  125 

spicuous  office,  on  which  public  discussion  focuses,  the  politician, 
despite  the  fact  that  he  holds  complete  possession  of  the  nomi- 
nating machinery,  is  exceedingly  deferential  to  Mr.  Plain  Citi- 
zen. A  typical  American  voter,  however,  finds  on  his  ballot  not 
merely  a  set  of  candidates  for  mayor,  but  also  a  host  of  can- 
didates for  a  string  of  petty  offices.  There  are  weak  council- 
men,  for  instance.  The  power  of  the  council  as  a  whole  may 
be  large,  but  it  is  usually  so  dissipated  by  division  among  an 
unreasonably  large  number  of  members  that  the  individual 
councilman  is  of  no  account,  and  public  opinion  refuses  to 
waste  its  breath  upon  him.  There  are  also  various  minor 
elective  administrators  such  as  city  treasurer,  comptroller,  board 
of  public  works,  president  of  council,  etc.,  offices  which  are  either 
insignificant  in  power  or  so  uninteresting  in  character  that  they 
completely  escape  public  scrutiny. 

The  people  are  human  beings  and  excepting  under  some  com- 
pulsion, are  not  to  be  expected  to  take  an  interest  in  uninterest- 
ing things.  This  simple  and  well-known  unwillingness  of  the 
people  to  get  excited  over  uninteresting  matters  has  not  been 
taken  into  account  in  designing  city  governments.  Charter  com- 
mittees have  said,  in  effect :  "The  citizens  ought  to  be  interested 
in  getting  the  right  man  for  city  treasurer.  Therefore,  we  will 
make  the  city  treasurer  elective."  Subsequent  elections  showed 
that  the  citizens  were  not  interested;  the  great  majority  of  them 
paid  no  attention  to  the  matter,  and  in  consequence  the  control 
of  that  office  was  left  in  the  hands  of  a  small  minority.  This 
"apathy"  of  the  citizens  can  be  explained  and  is  not  inexcusable 
when  it  is  considered  that  the  office  of  city  treasurer  has  nothing 
to  do  with  the  broad  policies  of  the  town  and  is  not  truly 
political,  the  only  issue  involved  being  the  question  of  which  of 
the  several  aspirants  shall  hold  the  job  and  draw  the  salary. 
That  is  not  an  issue  large  enough,  unless  there  be  great  scandal, 
to  cause  all  the  men  of  a  city  to  stand  up,  divide,  and  be  counted. 
For  the  Charter  Revision  Committee  to  say  "it's  the  people's 
duty  to  live  up  to  these  requirements  which  we  lay  down  for 
them"  is  sheer  impertinence.  If  the  people  will  not  graciously 
deign-  to  do  certain  work  that  is  laid  out  for  them  to  do,  the 
sensible  and  proper  solution  of  the  difficulty  is  to  change  the 
requirements  in  accordance  with  the  people's  action.  If  the 
mountain  will  not  come  to  Mahommed,  Mahommed  must  go  to 
the  mountain. 


126  SHORT   BALLOT 

In  the  commission  plan  there  are  at  most  only  five  elective 
officers  in  the  whole  city.  They  are  ail  important  and  share  in 
the  determination  of  policies,  and  the  people  consequently  take 
a  great,  natural,  and  spontaneous  interest  in  every  one  of  those 
elective  positions.  Mr.  Plain  Citizen  can  argue  about  every  one 
of  the  five  men  just  as  in  the  old  days  he  could  argue  about 
the  mayor.  On  election  day  he  expresses  a  clear  conviction 
regarding  every  elective  office.  He  is  completely  the  master  of 
his  ballot  and  his  mastery  has  been  acquired  without  conscious 
effort.  It  is  as  if  the  exhortations  of  reformers  had  succeeded 
in  inducing  all  good  citizens  to  go  into  politics ;  only  in  this  case 
politics  has  been  simplified  and  thereby  brought  to  the  people. 
Surely  this  unique  phenomenon  of  the  commission-governed  city, 
the  fact  that  the  people  know  what  they  are  doing  on  election 
day,  is  a  very  vital  and  important  one.  It  is  due  to  the  shorten- 
:ng  of  the  ballot,  and  not  to  any  excitement  of  civic  interest 
among  the  people.  The  people  of  Galveston  were  the  same 
after  the  flood  as  before.  The  people  of  Houston  did  not 
undergo  a  moral  upheaval  when  commission  government  was 
established.  Neither  did  the  people  of  Des  Moines,  Cedar 
Rapids,  or  Leavenworth.  It  was  the  ballot  that  changed,  not 
the  people.  Incidentally,  does  it  not  seem  possible  that  the  peo- 
ple of  the  much-admired  British  cities,  which  also  have  an  exceed- 
ingly "short  ballot,"  may  not  be  individually  a  bit  more  alive 
naturally  on  civic  questions  than  our  own  people?  Is  it  not 
reasonable  to  believe  that  their  human  nature  is  the  same  as 
ours,  and  that  if  an  American  city  adopted  that  "Short  Ballot" 
plan  it  would  get  similarly  satisfactory  results? 

It  is  obvious  that  when  all  the  people  of  a  city  know  what 
they  are  doing  on  election  day,  that  separate  class  of  political 
specialists  known  as  "politicians"  coincidentally  disappears.  The 
politician  is  simply  a  citizen  who  knows  what  he  is  doing  on 
election  day.  He  is  a  man  who  does  all  the  work  which  citizen- 
ship requires  of  him.  In  the  old  style  city  where  the  work 
of  the  voter  is  obscure  and  complex,  these  "complete  citizens" 
are  so  few  as  to  constitute  a  definite  ruling  class — an  oligarchy. 
Simplify  the  work  of  the  citizens  sufficiently  and  all  the  citizens 
autoinativ.aIly  become  effective  politicians,  and  the  political  spe- 
cialist of  the  past  finds  himself  no  more  iutUicntial  than  the 
average  citizen. 

In   the  last   analysis,    I   think   our  complaint   against   our   city 


SHORT   BALLOT  127 

governments  comes  down  to  just  this:  that  they  have  been  oli- 
garchies ;  that  the  office-holders  have  been  under  obligations  to 
the  little  ruling  class  of  politicians,  and  that  government  has 
consequently  been  in  the  interest  of  the  politicians  rather  than 
in  the  interest  of  the  people.  The  citizens,  to  protect  their 
interests,  have  been  pitted,  against  the  politicians  to  whom  the 
work  of  politics  was  a  means  of  livelihood.  It  was  a  case  of 
the  amateurs  against  the  professionals.  With  the  disappearance 
of  this  ruling  class  the  great  bulk  of  our  problems  may  be 
expected  to  vanish.  In  the  commission-governed  cities  the  Short 
Ballot  made  it  possible  for  a  man  to  campaign  and  get  elected 
without  the  permission  of  the  politicians.  That  this  would  hold 
true  in  a  large  city  where  the  difficulties  of  getting  before  the 
people  stagger  individual  effort  and  create  a  special  function  for 
the  experienced  machines,  I  am  not  certain ;  but  in  the  small 
cities,  where  commission  government  has  thus  far  been  tried,  a 
candidate  can  get  himself  into  the  limelight  and  make  a  success- 
ful campaign,  simply  because  the  office  for  which  he  is  running 
is  important,  the  citizens  are  looking  for  him  and  are  ready  to 
listen  to  him,  and  the  work  of  the  citizens  is  not  so  complicated 
as  to  cause  them  to  ignore  the  candidates  and  rely  on  ready- 
made  tickets  prepared  for  them  by  political  specialists.  When 
the  citizen  makes  up  his  own  ticket  in  his  head,  as  he  does  on 
the  Short  Ballot  basis,  the  candidate  must  run  to  the  citizen  for 
approval  instead  of  running  to  a  group  of  self-established  ticket- 
makers.  It  is  this  simplicity  which  has  made  it  possible  for 
Colorado  Springs,  for  example,  to  prescribe  that  each  candidate, 
before  he  is  granted  a  place  on  the  "official  ballot,  must  swear 
that  he  represents  no  political  organization — nobody  but  himself 
and  his  prospective  constituents. 

It  is  this  same  simplicity  which  made  possible  the  non-partisan 
ballot.  A  non-partisan  ballot  must  be  short.  In  most  of  the 
cities,  thanks  again  to  the  Short  Ballot,  the  Des  Moines  plan 
of  the  non-partisan  primary  has  been  copied  to  advantage,  and 
the  people,  big,  unorganized  and  clumsy  as  they  are,  have  been 
able  to  take  over  the  function  of  weeding  out  the  aspirants  and 
deciding  the  contests,  without  accepting  the  help  of  'private 
machinery. 

The  Short  Ballot  is  also  responsible  for  the  way  the  elective 
officials  are  held  accountable  after  election.  It  is  not  enough  to 
establish    accountability    for   official    acts    in    law.     A   bureau    of 


128  SHORT   BALLOT 

municipal  research  by  diligent  delving  maj-  determine  who  is  to 
blame  for  departmental  inefficiency  in  almost  any  city,  but  that 
is  by  no  means  the  same  thing  as  having  every  citizen  in  town 
know  beyond  doubt  who  is  responsible,  without  any  investigation 
at  all.  A  citizen  of  a  commission-governed  city  finding  a  street 
dirty  knows  that  five  men  whom  he  can  name  by  name  are  re- 
sponsible, that  they  have  power  to  raise  enough  money  to  keep 
the  street  clean  and  to  hire  the  sweepers  and  to  see  that  they 
do  the  work.  In  such  circumstances,  the  citizen  feels  some 
satisfaction  in  making  a  complaint,  and  every  city  has  seen  a 
most  spectacular  revival  of  interest  and  activity  in  municipal 
aflfairs  among  the  citizenship.  If  the  commission  were  a  very 
large  one  so  that  the  individual  members  of  it  were  not  clear 
targets,  there  would  be  much  less  satisfaction  for  the  citizen, 
since  the  failure  of  a  member  to  give  the  proper  attention  to  a 
reasonable  demand  would  be  less  conspicuous  and  would  start 
less  talk.  The  fact  that  each  commissioner  in  the  small  com- 
mission is  public  property,  so  to  speak,  and  is  known  to  every 
citizen,  as  the  mayor  alone  was  known  in  the  old  style  plan, 
causes  every  citizen  to  take  notice  of  any  fault  or  failure  to  do 
right.  The  commissioner's  reputation  in  the  community  is  con- 
stantly fluctuating  in  accordance  with  these  criticisms.  When 
an  attack  is  made  on  him,  his  conspicuousness  forces  him  to 
reply,  and  his  reply  is  waited  for  by  the  people.  The  same 
attack  aimed  at  an  obscure  and  inconspicuous  alderman  of  the 
old  regime  would  go  unnoticed  and  the  alderman's  political 
strength  might  not  fluctuate  at  all.  A  conspicuous  official  is 
naturally  more  sensitive  than  an  inconspicuous  one.  Put  a 
typical  old  style  politician  into  the  spotlight  of  a  commissioner- 
ship  and  he  will  break  loose  from  old  associations  and  tempta- 
tions, because  he  is  unable  to  withstand  the  public  criticism 
which  is  launched  at  him  if  he  fails  to  serve  the  whole  people. 
Time  and  again  we  have  seen  this  phenomenon  in  the  case  of 
machine  mayors.  In  the  conunission  government  we  have  prac- 
tically entrusted  the  power  to  a  board  of  mayors. 

There  is  no  such  thing  in  democratic  problems  as  inconspicu- 
ous accountability.  Conspicuousness  is  essential.  It  is  only  an- 
other way  of  saying  that  the  people  as  masters  of  an  elective 
servant  can  control  him  only  if  they  see  what  he  is  doing.  When 
all  the  people  see  what  a  man  is  doing,  that  man  is,  il>so  facto, 
exceedingly    conspicuous,     ronspicumisncss    to    a    certain    extent 


SHORT    BALLOT  129 

means  "standing  alone."  One  of  a  crowd  cannot  be  conspicuous 
— and  there  we  are,  back  at  the  Short  Ballot  again !  Government 
in  the  light  is  safer  than  government  in  the  dark — that  is 
obvious — and  any  system  which  pro\4des  for  such  concentrated 
scrutiny  as  the  commission  plan  does  should  be  able  to  show 
superior  results  over  the  old  style  jungle  of  obscurities. 

The  commission  plan  is  more  than  a  Short  Ballot  plan,  how- 
ever.    It  is  a  fairly  correct  Short  Ballot  plan. 

An  efficient  organization  must  have  a  single  head ;  not  neces- 
sarily a  single  man,  but  at  least  a  single  board  or  committee  in 
which  all  the  reins  of  power  are  centered  and  unified.  How- 
often  do  we  see  voluntary  organizations,  ranging  from  a  social 
picnic  up  to  an  informal  association,  go  to  pieces  or  develop 
serious  inefficiency,  not  because  of  the  weakness  of  any  par- 
ticular members,  but  from  the  simple  lack  of  a  single  boss.  Our 
old  style  governments  are  headless.  Neither  the  ma3-or  nor  the 
council  nor  anyone  else  constitutes  the  court  of  ultimate  appeal. 
Nobody  is  boss  unless  the  people,  with  that  singular  political 
genius  of  the  Americans,  delegate  their  functions  to  a  machine 
boss  who  will  nominate  and  control  puppets  and  keep  them 
working  in  harmony  by  the  use  of  unlawful  influence. 

The  commission  plan  breaks  with  our  old  superstitions  re- 
garding the  desirability  of  the  "separation  of  powers"  and  pro- 
vides a  complete  unification  of  powers ;  a  unification  that  is  abso- 
lutely essential  to  accountability.  The  single  board  has  power 
to  do  everything  and  hence  can  be  held  responsible  for  any 
failure  to  do  an5'thing  which  the  people  want  done.  The  com- 
mission is  stripped  of  all  excuses.  It  cannot  say  "it  is  the  other 
man's  fault."  If  the  people  demand  low  taxes,  the  commission 
has  power  to  compel  the  departmental  economies  necessary  to 
bring  them  about.  If  the  people  want  higher  departmental 
efficiency,  the  commission  has  power  to  raise  the  money  needed 
for  it.  In  a  desire  to  please  critics  on  both  sides,  the  commission 
is  under  strong  inducements  to  attempt  to  secure  both  depart- 
mental efficiency  and  low  taxes.  The  knowledge  that  it  will 
secure  credit  for  good  deeds  and  discredit  for  bad,  by  reason  of 
the  conspicuousness  of  the  work  of  the  individual  members,  sets 
even  political  hacks  to  resolute  endeavors  to  please  the  public. 

A  ballot  of  five  officers  could  be  arranged  along  other  lines, 
and,  in  fact,  we  frequently  do  have  ballots  in  American  cities  as 
short  as  that,  but  the  unequal  division  of  power  and  the  unequal 


130  SHORT   BALLOT 

interest  of  the  people  in  the  oflficers,  results  usually  in  the  over- 
shadowing of  some  of  the  officers,  both  before  and  after  election. 
Usualh',  the  mayor  gets  all  the  limelight  at  the  expense  of  the 
other  elective  officers.  In  the  commission  plan,  however,  the 
practical  equality  of  the  commissioners  results  in  a  correspond- 
ingly equal  division  of  the  limelight.  Each  man  gets  his  share 
of  public  scrutiny  and  is  not  overshadowed.  The  New  Jersey 
plan  represents  the  latest  developments  on  this  point  and  is  cor- 
rect, inasmuch  as  the  five  men  are  elected  without  designations 
to  office  and  choose  the  mayor  from  among  their  own  number 
after  election. 

There  are  other  features  besides  the  Short  Ballot  which  are 
characteristic  of  commission  government,  and  are  comprised  in 
the  usual  definition  of  the  plan,  but  I  do  not  see  how  even  the 
most  ardent  supporters  of  these  features  can  prove  that  they 
are  essential.  The  initiative,  and  referendum-by-protest  are 
much  lauded  by  certain  enthusiasts,  but  Galveston  and  Houston, 
where  the  wave  first  started,  have  never  had  those  features.  For 
the  same  reasons  it  cannot  be  said  that  it  is  the  recall  which  puts 
officials  on  their  good  behavior  and  accounts  for  the  success  of 
the  plan.  Neither  can  it  be  the  non-partisan  ballot.  For  the 
commission  plan  succeeded  before  any  of  these  features  were 
added  to  it,  and  has  continued  a  success  in  Galveston  and  Hous- 
ton despite  their  absence. 

The  Short  Ballot  is  the  magic  in  the  commission  plan  and 
our  ultimate  salvation  from  government  by  politicians  lies  in 
the  hope  of  universal  recognition  of  the  fact  and  the  application 
of  the  same  vital  principle  to  our  counties  and  states. 

Annals  of  the  American  Academy.     38:877-83. 
November,  191 1 

Mimicipal    Government    Administered    by  a   General    Manager — 
The  Staunton    Plan.    John  Crosby 

In  order  to  obtain  a  more  economic  and  business  system  of 
municipal  government,  a  large  number  of  cities  have,  within  the 
past  ten  years,  adopted  the  commission  plan,  with  which  every 
person  is  more  or  less  familiar. 

The  city  of  Staunton,  Virginia,  some  three  years  ago  adopted 
the   luiiquc   and    business   metho<I   of   government    by    a    general 


I 


SHORT    BALLOT  131 

manager,  whose  prototype  is  found  in  every  large  private  cor- 
poration. As  every  person  is,  no  doubt,  familiar  with  the  cum- 
bersome and  expensive  operation  of  municipal  government 
through  council  committees,  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  dwell  on 
the  disadvantage  of  a  system  so  antiquated,  which  should  have 
been  abolished  years  ago. 

Councilmen  as  a  rule  are,  or  should  be,  business  men,  who 
have  their  private  affairs  to  look  after,  which  naturally  consumes 
all  of  their  time  and  attention,  and  it  is  not  reasonable  to  pre- 
sume that  they,  receiving  neither  pay  nor  thanks  for  anything 
they  may  do  for  the  interest  of  the  city,  can  afford  to  neglect 
their  private  interests  to  look  after  the  business  of  the  city. 
Hence,  under  the  old  system,  the  affairs  of  the  city  were  run  by 
the  heads  of  departments  with  the  assistance  of  a  few  council- 
men  who,  in  a  great  many  cases,  were  contractors  bidding  for 
city  contracts.  Not  infrequently,  also,  the  heads  of  departments 
were  men  totally  unfit  for  the  positions  they  occupied,  who  had 
received  their  appointments  and  held  their  jobs  through  political 
or  other  favored  influence.  Under  the  present  "Staunton  plan" 
this  is  all  a  thing  of  the  past,  and  the  business  of  the  city  is 
conducted  on  the  same  general  business  principles  as  all  large 
industrial  private  corporations  are  conducted. 

The  constitution  of  Virginia  requires  cities  to  maintain  their 
maj^or  and  council,  and  in  cities  of  the  first  class,  those  having 
a  population  of  ten  thousand  or  more,  two  branches  of  the 
council  are  required.  Therefore,  we  were  unable  to  abolish  the 
council  and  adopt  a  commission  form  of  municipal  government. 
However,  as  the  provisions  of  section  1038  of  the  Virginia 
Code  permits  the  council  to  establish  such  offices  as  may  be 
necessary  to  properly  conduct  the  city's  affairs,  the  idea  of  a 
general  manager  was  conceived  and  a  general  manager  was 
elected  by  the  council. 

In  discussing  the  merits  of  this  system,  I  will  compare  it  with 
that  of  a  private  industrial  corporation,  in  order  that  the  "Staun- 
ton plan"  may  be  more  fully  understood  and  appreciated. 

There  is  this  difference  between  the  municipal  corporation 
and  the  private  corporation.  The  private  corporation  is  a  busi- 
ness proposition  entirely,  while  the  municipal  corporation  con- 
sists of  two  distinct  branches  which  do  not  conflict  but  work  in 
harmony,  the  one  with  the  other.  By  the  two  branches  is  meant 
the   legislative   and   the   executive.     The   executive    is   also   sub- 

11 


132  SHORT   BALLOT 

divided  into  two  branches.  The  one  consists  of  the  mayor  and 
the  courts  who  have  charge  of  the  enforcement  of  the  laws, 
particularly  the  penal  ordinances.  The  other,  or  business 
branch,  is  under  the  control  of  the  general  manager  who  tak< 
the  place  of  council  committees,  and  has  full  charge  and  control 
of  all  the  business  of  the  city,  gives  bond  for  the  faithful 
performance  of  his  duty  and  is  responsible  to  the  council.  In 
this  article  I  am  discussing  the  business  portion  of  the  executive 
branch  of  municipal  government. 

The  "Staunton  plan"  is  a  democratic  government  "for  the 
people  and  by  the  people."  Neither  the  people  nor  the  council 
have  surrendered  any  of  their  sovereign  rights ;  they  have  simply 
created  an  office  known  as  that  of  a  general  manager,  a  paid 
employee,  who  devotes  his  whole  time  and  attention  to  the 
business  of  the  city  and  who  is  responsible  to  the  council  and 
the  people,  instead  of  intrusting  the  affairs  of  the  city  to  the 
committees  of  the  council.  For  each  councilman  thinks  that  the 
other  members  of  the  committee  have  more  time  than  he  has 
for  looking  after  the  business  of  the  city,  and  each  committee- 
man is  of  the  same  opinion — always  willing  to  let  the  other 
fellow  do  it.  As  a  result,  that  which  is  every  one's  business  is 
no  one's  business,  and  the  poor  old  city  gets  along  the  best  she 
can  to  the  detriment  of  the  taxpayer  in  particular  and  the  people 
in  general.  Would  any  private  corporation  consider  for  a 
moment  conducting  its  business  through  committees  composed 
of  stockholders  who  receive  no  pay  for  such  service,  who  have 
other  business  affairs  to  look  after,  and  who  would  devote  only 
spare  moments,  so  to  speak,  to  the  business  of  the  corporation? 
A  corporation  run  on  this  plan  would  hardly  produce  dividends, 
neither  would  its  stock  be  sold  at  a  premium.  Now,  we  have 
simply  done  as  do  the  private  corporations.  We  have  elected  a 
general  manager,  a  paid  employee,  to  attend  to  the  business  of 
the  city  and  produce  dividends  for  the  taxpayer  by  keeping 
his  taxes  down  to  the  minimum  rate  and  by  giving  him  value 
received  for  every  dollar  he  pays  into  the  municipal  treasury. 

The  mayor  is  the  official  head  of  the  municipality  and  corre- 
sponds to  the  president  of  the  private  corporation.  The  general 
manager  of  a  municipality  is  the  executive  and  business  manager, 
whose  duties  correspond  in  every  particular  with  those  of  the 
general  manager  of  a  private  corporation.  The  council  adopts 
the  ordinances,   fixes  the   rate   of  taxation,    and    fonnulatcs   the 


SHORT   BALLOT  133 

policy,  and  the  mayor  and  general  manager  see  that  they  are 
carried  out.  Under  our  constitution  the  mayor  has  entire 
charge  of  the  police  and  fire  departments.  The  general  man- 
ager, however,  does  all  of  the  purchasing  for  these  departments 
on  a  requisition  from  the  chiefs.  We  retain  the  finance,  ordi- 
nances, and  auditing  committees,  as  their  duties  require  very 
little  time  and  attention,  and  serve  as  a  check  on  the  general 
manager.  At  the  beginning  of  the  fiscal  year,  the  general  man- 
ager submits  his  estimates  to  the  finance  committee,  showing 
in  detail  the  needs  of  the  various  departments,  together  with 
his  recommendations.  From  this  report  the  finance  committee 
makes  its  recommendation  to  the  council  of  the  amount  of  taxes 
to  be  levied  for  the  fiscal  year.  The  general  manager  has  no 
authority  to  fix  the  rate  of  taxation  or  to  contract  loans  on 
account  of  the  city,  but  this  is  all  left  in  the  hands,  of  the 
finance  committee  and  the  council,  who  are  the  representatives 
of  the  people.  The  ordinance  committee,  with  the  assistance  of 
the  city  attorney,  draws  up  all  of  the  ordinances  and  puts  them 
in  proper  legal  form  to  be  presented  to  the  council  for  adoption. 
The  auditing  committee  passes  on  all  of  the  accounts  of  the 
general  manager  each  month,  and  makes  a  report  to  the  council 
in  addition  to  the  regular  quarterly  report  submitted  to  the 
council  by  the  general  manager. 

The  general  manager  is  required  to  make  quarterly  and  annual 
reports  to  the  council,  showing  in  detail  all  work  done  by  him. 
In  the  general  manager's  office  is  kept  a  regular  set  of  double 
entry  books,  which  serve  as  a  complete  check  on  the  office  of 
the  city  treasurer.  Both  the  general  manager  and  the  treasurer 
render  monthly  balances  to  the  council,  and  these  balances  must 
agree,  the  one  operating  as  a  check  against  the  other.  The  books 
in  the  general  manager's  office  are  kept  in  such  a  manner  that  a 
detailed  statement  can  be  had  at  any  time  on  any  account,  and 
are  always  open  for  inspection. 

There  is  nothing  new  in  our  system;  we  have  simply  adopted 
for  the  government  of  our  city  the  business  methods  of  the 
private  corporation.  We  believe  that  our  system  is  in  many 
respects  better  than  the  commission  plan.  In  Des  Moines,  for 
example,  a  recall  was  threatened  against  the  commissioner  who 
had  charge  of  the  police  department.  He  said  he  was  not  to 
blame  for  conditions  since  the  other  commissioners  had,  against 
his  will,  installed  a  chief  of  police  who  defied  him.     It  seems  to 


134  SHORT   BALLOT 

me  that  our  system  can  be  adapted  and  made  just  as  applicable 
to  a  large  city  as  to  small  cities  and  towns.  Of  course,  in  a  large 
city,  the  general  manager  would  require  a  large  number  of 
subordinates,  superintendents,  heads  of  departments,  etc.,  but  he 
would  be  the  central  and  responsible  head.  And  if  adaptable 
to  large  cities,  why  not  to  counties  and  states?  What  would  be 
the  saving  to  taxpayers  in  the  large  cities  if  their  business  affairs 
%vere  conducted  on  the  same  business  principles  as  are  the  large 
private  corporations,  such  as  the  Standard  Oil  Company,  the 
L^nited  States  Steel  Corporation,  the  great  railroad  corporations 
and  others?  Jhis  system  is  not  calculated  to  meet  the  approval 
of  the  political  grafter;  he  prefers  the  old  system  as  good  enough 
for  him. 

As  we  have  had  this  system  in  operation  for  more  than  three 
years,  and  passed  the  experimental  state,  it  will  quite  naturally 
be  asked,  what  have  been  the  results?  It  has  not  only  been  a 
success  in  every  particular,  but  has  produced  better  results  in  a 
shorter  time  than  was  anticipated  by  its  most  enthusiastic  sup- 
porters. The  people,  with  few  exceptions,  are  well  pleased  and 
would  not,  under  any  consideration,  return  to  the  old  system. 
The  casual  observer  cannot  help  noticing  the  marked  improve- 
ment in  our  streets  and  sidewalks.  If  the  citizens  have  any 
business  with  the  city  they  know  exactly  whom  to  go  to.  They 
also  know  w-here  and  how  every  dollar  of  their  taxes  is  spent, 
and  what  the  results  are.  Under  the  old  system,  if  a  citizen  had 
any  business  with  the  city  he  was  sent  from  one  party  to  another 
until  he  frequently  became  disgusted  trying  to  find  the  proper 
party  to  attend  to  his  case,  and  gave  up  all  hope  of  ever  being 
able  to  transact  his  business.  To  be  able  at  all  times  to  know 
exactly  where  and  how  your  money  is  being  spent,  the  cost  of 
each  particular  piece  of  work,  and  the  maintenance  of  each  de- 
partment of  the  city  government,  is  certainly  worth  a  great  denl. 
This  feature  of  the  new  system  is  sufficient  to  justify  the  main- 
tenance of  the  office.  I  believe  that  it  is  the  general  opinion  that 
under  the  old  system  we  never  did  one-half  of  the  improvements 
that  we  have  been  able  to  do  under  the  new  system,  particularly 
in  the  matter  of  streets,  sidewalks,  sewers,  and  extension  of 
water  mains. 

Under  the  old  system  our  bonded  debt  was  largely  due  tn 
bad  business  methods.  It  was  the  custom  to  allow  free  rein 
to  the  council  committees,  and   usually   wind  up  at  the  end  of 


SHORT   BALLOT  135 

the  year  with  a  deficit.  This  would  be  repeated  each  year 
until  the  deficit  grew  to  such  proportions  that  it  could  be  no 
longer  carried  as  a  floating  debt,  and  would  be  taken  up  with 
an  issue  of  bonds  of  the  thirty  year  period  kind.  Since  the 
adoption  of  our  new  plan,  generally  known  as  "The  Staunton 
Plan,"  we  have  not  increased  our  bonded  debt  nor  raised  our 
tax  rate ;  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  two  years  ago  the  city 
voted  out  the  saloon,  thereby  causing  a  loss  in  revenue  derived 
from  saloon  licenses  of  $12,500  per  annum.  In  addition  to  this 
loss  in  revenue,  we  had  the  misfortune  within  the  last  year  to 
have  two  catastrophes,  a  cave-in  and  a  fire,  which  caused  a  loss 
of  about  $40,000.  Had  it  not  been  for  these,  over  which  we  had 
no  control,  we  could  this  year  have  reduced  our  tax  rate  from 
ten  to  fifteen  cents  on  each  $100.00  taxable  value. 

By  reason  of  the  improvements  in  streets,  sidewalks,  sewers, 
water  and  electric  lights,  real  estate  values  have  increased  fully 
25  per  cent.  We  have,  under  the  new  system,  constructed  23,237 
lineal  feet  of  macadam  street,  3.710  lineal  feet  of  which  is  sur- 
faced with  asphalt  binder;  15,083  lineal  feet  of  granolithic  side- 
walks; 4,925  lineal  feet  of  concrete  gutters;  14,301  lineal  feet  of 
sewers;  14,789  lineal  feet  of  water  mains  and  215  water  con- 
nections, the  latter  increasing  the  revenue  derived  from  water 
rents  fully  15  per  cent;  we  have  increased  the  electric  light  and 
fire  alarm  service  at  least  10  per  cent ;  improved  our  park,  con- 
sisting of  about  115  acres,  50  per  cent;  increased  our  police  force, 
and  raised  the  salaries  and  wages  of  a  large  number  of  officials 
and  employees  whose  salaries  and  wages  were  small ;  established 
the  office  of  city  health  officer,  and  increased  the  appropriation 
for  schools  16^  per  cent. 

By  reason  of  the  extension  of  the  corporate  limits  one  year 
prior  to  the  adoption  of  our  new  system,  there  was  added  IQO 
per  cent  more  area,  which  greatly  increased  the  cost  of  main- 
tenance of  streets  and  sidewalks,  and  required  the  extension  of 
the  water  mains,  electric  light,  fire  alarm,  and  sewer  systems. 
The  amount  of  money  expended  in  the  annexed  territory  was  far 
in  excess  of  the  revenue  derived  from  taxation  in  that  district. 
Under  the  order  of  the  circuit  court  in  extending  the  corporate 
limits,  the  tax  rate  was  not  to  be  raised  from  the  county  rate  for 
five  years  from  the  date  said  order  went  intO'  effect,  thereby 
causing  a  loss  in  revenue  to  the  city  of  sixty-five  cents  on  the 
$100.00  taxable  value  thereof  for  five  years. 


136  SHORT  BALLOT 

As  the  accounts  under  the  old  system  were  kept  in  a  general 
way,  without  regard  to  any  detail,  it  is  almost  impossible,  without 
consuming  a  great  deal  of  time  and  labor,  to  make  a  comparison 
of  the  amount  of  money  expended  in  the  various  departments 
and  the  results  obtained,  with  that  of  the  new  system.  I  will 
illustrate  this  by  only  one  item,  that  of  granolithic  paving.  Under 
the  old  system  we  were  paying  from  $1.75  to  $2.25  per  square 
yard  for  a  very  inferior  grade  of  granolithic  work  which  was 
done  by  contract;  under  the  new  system  we  are  doing  a  much 
better  class  of  work  with  hired  labor  under  the  supervision  of 
our  general  manager  (who  is  a  practical  engineer),  for  ninety 
and  a  half  cents  per  square  yard.  Under  the  old  system  it  was 
frequently  found  that  the  same  article  was  purchased  at  different 
prices  for  different  departments.  Under  our  new  system  all 
supplies  are  purchased  by  the  general  manager  in  bulk,  large 
quantities  of  supplies  are  advertised  for  and  contracts  are 
awarded  to  the  lowest  responsible  bidder. 

Under  the  old  system  the  responsibility  was  distributed 
among  the  heads  of  the  various  departments  and  there  was 
really  no  responsible  head.  Under  the  new  system  the  respon- 
sibility is  centered  in  the  general  manager.  All  departments 
report  to  him  and  work  in  harmony  as  a  unit.  Where  there  is 
unity  there  is  strength;  where  there  is  division  there  is  friction. 
A  city's  forces  must  be  united  and  work  in  harmony  to  make 
its  operations  successful  and  obtain  the  best  results. 

In  order  to  adopt  this  system  properly,  the  council  should  be 
abolished,  and  in  lieu  thereof,  a  board  of  directors  elected  con- 
sisting of  five  members  in  cities  of  fifty  thousand  and  under. 
In  larger  cities  it  would  probably  be  well  to  increase  the  number 
of  directors  according  to  the  population.  One  of  these  should 
be  the  mayor.  Each  director  should  be  paid  a  salary  com- 
mensurate with  his  duties.  The  board  of  directors  should  em- 
ploy the  general  manager  and  give  him  sufficient  authority  to 
properly  manage  and  conduct  the  business  of  the  city.  The 
general  manager  should  hire  and  discharge  all  heads  of  depart- 
ments and  employees  should  be  placed  under  civil  service  to 
prevent  the  general  manager  from  abusing  his  authority  or 
impairing  the  service,  and  at  the  same  time  to  allow  him  to 
secure  the  most  competent  employees.  That  is,  the  city  should 
be  managed  and  operated  in  the  same  business  manner  as  the 
l)rivate  corporation. 


SHORT   BALLOT  137 

Annals  of  the  American  Academy.     Commission  Government 
in  American  Cities,  2d  Ed.,  1914:  872-6 

City-Manager    Plan   and    Expert    City    Management. 
H.    S.    Gilbertson 

From  the  standpoint  of  general  municipal  progress,  perhaps 
the  greatest  contribution  of  the  city-manager  plan  is  the  environ- 
ment it  furnishes  for  expert  city  management. 

Dayton,  Ohio,  to  take  the  most  conspicuous  example,  is  a 
typical  American  city  in  a  state  where  politics  is  rated  as  a 
basic  industry  and  where  politicians,  presumably,  have  always 
regarded  local  offices  as  strictly  local  property.  But  Dayton 
forcibly  tore  itself  away  from  the  grasp  of  this  tradition.  Its 
new  charter  expressly  states  that  the  chief  executive  need  not 
be  a  resident  of  the  city;  and  the  first  commission  elected  under 
the  new  system,  true  to  the  spirit  of  the  charter,  chose  the  first 
city  manager  by  a  method  which  is  altogether  new  to  the  prac- 
tice of  American  cities.  Week  after  week,  they  met  in  earnest 
consultation,  going  over  the  qualifications  of  some  forty  or  fifty 
excellent  candidates,  until,  finally,  they  determined  upon  a  man 
in  another  city  whose  record  of  public  service  was  of  the  very 
highest,  but  whose  political  claim  upon  the  commissioners  was 
absolutely  nil.     He  secured  the  position  apparently  on  pure  merit. 

But  Dayton  is  not  unique  in  this  practice :  Sumter,  South 
Carolina,  got  its  first  city  manager  from  another  state.  The 
second  largest  city  under  the  new  plan,  Springfield,  Ohio,  has 
chosen  Mr.  C.  E.  Ashburner,  who  was  formerly  the  city  manager 
of  Staunton,  Virginia — a  suggestion  of  the  German  system  under 
which  men  go  from  city  to  city  as  professional  municipal  execu- 
tives. 

Too  much  emphasis  cannot  be  laid  on  this  removal  of  the 
residence  qualification  as  applied  to  the  most  responsible  and 
most  remunerative  position  in  the  city.  It  is  questionable  if 
the  limitations  which  the  former  restrictions  have  placed  upon 
municipal  development  have  been  more  than  half  realized,  for 
the  very  life  of  what  we  are  wont,  invidiously,  to  call  "politics" 
depends  on  an  atmosphere  of  provincialism.  To  have  imposed 
high  qualifications  for  public  service  or  to  have  thrown  the 
offices  open  to  outsiders  would  have  shut  out  too  many  of  "the 
boys."    And  so,  city  affairs  have  revolved  in  little  circles  of  local 


138  SHORT   BALLOT 

experience  bounded  by  the  narrow  outlook  of  men  who  were  in 
the  game  for  today  and  out  tomorrow  and  who,  for  the  large 
part,  if  honest,  were  primarily  interested  in  the  petty  and  tem- 
porary emoluments  which  went  with  their  jobs.  Automatically, 
there  has  been  excluded  from  the  public  service  a  great  class 
of  public-spirited  men  who  have  had  all  the  potentialities  for 
serving  the  public  in  an  effective  way.  The  experience  of  distant 
cities  has  been  neglected,  with  the  result  that  many  costlj-  admini- 
strative blunders  have  been  perpetrated,  which  an  executive  from 
the  outside,  with  a  broad  knowledge  of  city  needs,  could  have 
forestalled. 

In  contrast  to  this  state  of  affairs,  the  citj'-manager  plan  makes 
municipal  management  a  field  of  unlimited  opportunity  to  capable 
men  and  encourages  a  friendly  attitude  toward  scientific  ideas  of 
government.  Wherever  the  true  spirit  of  the  plan  is  observed, 
the  broad  experience  of  distant  cities  will  be  brought  to  bear  on 
local  problems  of  finance,  engineering,  public  health,  recreation. 
What  the  sponsors  for  the  municipal  reference  libraries  are  now 
trying  to  do  under  a  serious  handicap,  and  with  none  too  much 
encouragement  from  official  sources,  will  have  a  compatible  of- 
ficial environment. 

But  the  elimination  of  the  residence  requirement  is  not  more 
significant  for  the  growth  of  expert  administration  than  the  very 
structure  of  the  city-manager  plan.  The  new  system,  while 
ikeeping  true  to  the  doctrine  of  the  unification  of  powers,  pro- 
vides for  a  complete  divorce  of  the  personnel  of  politics  from  the 
personnel  of  administration.  It  recognizes  that  these  two  func- 
tions of  government  demand  the  services  of  two  distinct  types  of 
men.  It  conserves  the  principle  of  democracy  by  keeping  open 
to  the  representative  citizen  the  elective  office  of  commissioner, 
or  councilman,  but  the  political  element  ceases  at  the  very  point 
where  the  organization  for  the  actual  operation  of  the  govern- 
ment begins. 

This  is  a  radical  departure.  Heretofore  our  conception  of 
democracy  has  impelled  us  to  carry  politics  much  further  down 
into  the  administration.  We  have  feared  bureaucracy,  and  to 
lay  that  particular  ghost,  have  installed  at  the  head  of  depart- 
ments men  whose  chief  qualification,  in  many  cases,  seems  to 
have  been  their  obvious  unfitness  for  administrative  work.  The 
trained  man  has  been  too  often  rated  the  enemy  of  free  govcrn- 
nuMit. 


SHORT   BALLOT  139 

But  the  experience  of  American  cities  has  proved  the  folly 
of  this  theory.  No  bureaucracy  was  ever  more  insolent,  more 
unresponsive  to  popular  wishes  than  the  very  guardians  of 
democracy  themselves  at  the  heads  of  some  of  our  city  depart- 
ments. The  theory  of  the  city-manager  plan,  on  the  contrary,  is 
that  the  interests  of  the  people  are  safe  when  the  controlling 
or  governing  body,  and  that  only,  is  "politically"  constituted. 

Another  feature  of  the  plan  which  favors  the  highest  type 
of  public  service  is  the  scheme  of  administrative  organization. 
Every  self-respecting  executive  demands  a  clear  and  unmistak- 
able definition  of  his  powers  and  duties.  In  the  city-manager 
charters,  with  one  exception  (Sumter),  this  definition  is  adequate. 
Responsibility  within  the  administration  is  focused  in  a  single 
officer.  His  powers  are  commensurate  with  that  responsibility; 
he  is  free  to  choose  his  own  instruments,  subject  only  to  the 
merit  system  of  civil  service,  which,  when  properly  administered, 
is  the  kind  of  check  which  aids  rather  than  obstructs. 

As  to  compensation,  this,  too,  has  in  practice  thus  far  been 
made  attractive.  The  commissioners  have  seemed  to  understand 
that  the  qualities  desired  in  their  city  manager  must  be  pur- 
chased at  an  adequate  remuneration.  Sumter,  with  a  population 
of  10,000,  has  fixed  the  salary  at  $3,600,  Phoenix  at  $5,000,  La 
Grande,  Oregon  at  a  maximum  of  $3,600,  Dayton  at  $12,500. 

Tenure  of  office,  under  the  new  plan,  though  not  fixed,  seems 
reasonably  protected,  because  of  the  publicity  attached  to  the 
city  manager's  acts  and  his  opportunity  to  make  good  with  the 
people  of  the  city.  An  additional  assurance  that  improper  influ- 
ence will  not  be  brought  to  bear  upon  him  is  the  fact  that,  in 
self-defense,  a  commission  elected  upon  a  non-partisan  basis 
and  representing  a  clear  majority  of  the  people,  and  being  con- 
spicuously powerful  and  responsible,  will  hardly  care  to  select 
an  inferior  person  of  the  political  type  to  carry  out  their  wishes. 
Greater  protection  than  this  it  would  be  difficult  to  give,  without 
interfering  with  the  complete  responsibility  of  the  governing 
body  itself. 

Herein  appears  to  be  a  new  field  of  opportunity  for  civil 
service  commissions.  These  bodies  have  long  been  investigating 
the  fitness  of  candidates  for  the  lower  and  more  or  less  stan- 
dardized positions  in  the  city's  service.  The  city  managership, 
however,  presents  new  difficulties.  It  has  not  been  standardized, 
and  perhaps  it  never  will.     Elements  of  personality,  training,  and 


140  SHORT   BALLOT 

experience  enter  in  a  higlier  degree  than  in  the  case  of  such 
posts  as  the  librarianship  in  Chicago,  or  the  chieftainship  of  the 
New  York  fire  department.  The  city  manager  will  come  squarely 
and  continuously  into  contact  with  the  public,  and  should  be  a 
politician  in  the  sense  of  being  an  accurate  judge  of  the  public 
mind ;  the  kind  of  a  man  who  could  get  elected  to  public  office 
under  a  favorable  electoral  system.  He  must  be  prepared  to 
create  public  opinion  and  to  forestall  criticism.  Moreover,  the 
city  manager  must  be  a  person  of  vision  and  initiative,  with  a 
constructive  grasp  of  the  destiny  of  American  cities,  for  while 
he  is  in  theory  the  servant  of  the  council,  he  will  be  no  errand 
jboy.  He  will  in  actual  fact  be  the  chief  policy-maker  of  the  city, 
j  while  the  council  serves  as  a  checking,  controlling  agency.  There 
is  no  bigger  job  in  America. 

The  description,  of  course,  applies  to  the  rare  loo-per-cent- 
efiicient  man.  But  there  are,  and  have  been,  men  of  this  type, 
George  McAneny,  Cyrus  C.  Miller,  John  Purroy  Mitchel,  all  of 
the  last  administration  in  New  York  City,  approach  this 
standard.  Colonel  Waring  was  a  man  of  such  qualifications.  It 
is  doubtless  owing  to  the  former  lack  of  opportunity  that  more 
of  them  have  not  come  to  the  surface.  Without  doubt  the  engi- 
neering profession  alone  could  be  made  to  yield  up  many. 

But  the  growth  of  this  new  municipal  system  creates  a  far 
wider  problem  than  that  of  the  mere  selection  of  executives  from 
the  visible  supply  of  material.  H  the  city-manager  plan  develops 
as  rapidly  as  the  conunission  form  (and  the  present  indications 
are  that  it  will),  whence  come  the  city  managers?  The  uni- 
versities and  the  schools  of  engineering  and  technology  furnish 
but  a  very  imperfect  preparation  for  this  field.  We  have  no 
schools  of  municipal  administration,  and  even  our  graduate 
schools  of  political  science  content  themselves  with  a  study  of 
the  mere  skeleton  features  of  the  nuinicipal  i)rol)lom.  In  Ger- 
many, at  least  two  cities  (Diisseldorf  and  Ciiln)  have  established 
such  schools  as  a  part  of  their  municipal  civil  service  system. 
Their  graduates  go  out  from  these  into  important  executive 
positions  in  smaller  cities,  and,  if  successful,  their  services  are 
in  growing  demand  in  scores  or  hundreds  of  cities.  Municipal 
management  there  is  actually  a  recognized  profession. 

The  future  of  the  city-manager  plan,  as  of  all  e.xperiments, 
at  the  i)reseut  moment,  is,  of  course,  problenuitical.  But  the 
priiui|)li-   of  expert,   ii«>ii-|tolitical   management   is    fortified   by   at 


SHORT   BALLOT  141 

least  one  striking  bit  of  municipal  experience.  The  school  sys- 
tems in  our  largest  cities  have  passed  through  the  political 
period ;  subsequently  through  a  period  of  disgust  for  the  political 
management.  But  for  a  long  time,  in  many  cities,  their  man- 
agement has  rested  upon  something  approximating  a  professional 
merit  basis.  Back  of  this  development  was  a  growth  of  civic 
consciousness.  It  began  with  the  schools ;  it  is  rapidly  coloring 
our  views  of  public  health  administration.  Politics  is  gradually 
being  weeded  out  of  the  police  systems.  Where  will  this  ten- 
dency stop?  Is  there  any  likelihood  that  it  will  cease  to  com- 
mend itself  until  we  have  finally  discovered  that,  after  all, 
"politics"  has  no  proper  place  in  any  department  of  city  admini- 
stration— that  its  presence  anywhere  in  the  system  is  conductive 
to  expensive  provincialism  and  that  its  very  existence  breeds 
inefficiency  and  extravagance. 

Review  of  Reviews.     45:82-5.     January,  1912 

Short  Ballot  in  American  Cities.     H.   S.  Gilbertson 

It  is  eleven  years  since  the  Galveston  disaster.  But  out  of 
that  exigency,  with  beginnings  in  the  merest  of  accidents,  has 
grown  a  movement  which  has  re-created  the  structure  of  one 
hundred  and  sixty  American  cities,  shaken  some  of  the  most 
cherished  traditions  of  our  politics,  and  put  a  new  note  of  optim- 
ism in  our  political  thinking. 

Galveston's  rehabilitation  needed  a  strong,  efficient  direction 
from  its  governing  body ;  its  complex  unworkable  government 
could  not  give  it.  Straightway,  without  resort  to  theory,  some 
of  the  leading  citizens  proceeded  to  map  out  a  very  simple  plan 
of  control  at  the  hands  of  five  men,  who  were  to  have  ample 
powers  and  be  unhampered  in  their  choice  of  means.  The  plan 
was  adopted  and  worked  exceedingly  well,  but  it  was  not  democ- 
racy, for  the  commission  was  chosen  by  the  governor.  The 
legislative  act  creating  it  was  declared  unconstitutional  on  these 
grounds.  But  it  was  revived  in  substantially  its  original  form 
with  this  vital  difference :  that  the  "commissioners"  were  to  be 
chosen  by  popular  vote. 

The  shifting  of  control  from  governor  to  people  caused 
uneasiness  to  the  local  leaders,  who  were  only  too  familiar  with 
the  results  of  the  popular  rule  under  the  old  government.     But 


142  SHORT   BALLOT 

the  electors  made  good  this  time  by  electing  to  office  the  very 
men  whom  the  governor  had  appointed.  And  for  ten  years  they 
have  Ijeen  reelecting  them  again  and  again,  so  that  with  one 
exception  the  original  commission  has  been  at  the  helm  in  Gal- 
veston till  this  year. 

It  was  a  new  phenomenon ;  the  people  actually  selecting  for 
office  not  men  who  had  been  identified  with  office-getting  organi- 
zations, but  bankers  and  business  men  of  ability  with  reputations 
to  sustain  and  interests  of  their  own  to  protect.  So  that  the 
Galveston  experiment  not  only  solved  the  local  problem  of 
efficient  government,  but  it  did  so  without  a  sacrifice  of  demo- 
cratic principles.  In  fact,  the  theory  which  has  grown  up  out 
of  Galveston's  success  is  that  the  simplified  conditions  of  citizen- 
ship have  been  all  that  is  really  needed  to  put  the  people  of  a 
community  in  effective  control. 

Fro)ii    Texas   to  Iowa 

The  idea  spread  to  Houston,  which  adopted  in  1905  not  the 
exact  plan  of  organization,  but  its  essential  simplicity — five  men, 
the  only  elective  officers,  copious  in  power,  conspicuous.  Two 
years  later  Dallas  fell  in  line,  and  in  the  same  year  the  idea  took 
root  in  Des  Moines.  From  then  on  the  '"commission  govern- 
ment" idea  has  been  a  national  possession,  for  the  citizens  of 
Des  I.Ioincs  did  not  content  themselves  with  having  a  popular 
and  workable  government  for  its  own  sake,  but  advertised  it  far 
and  wide  as  the  city's  chief  civic  asset. 

In  obtaining  permission  from  the  state  of  Iowa  to  adopt  the 
commission  form  of  organization,  Des  Moines  hit  upon  a  device 
which  ha^  accelerated  the  movement  in  the  country  by  several 
degrees.  This  was  the  adoption  of  a  state-wide  permissive  law, 
which  made  it  possible  for  any  city  (within  certain  limits  of 
classification)  to  put  the  plan  into  operation  by  a  popular  elec- 
tion, called  upon  petition  of  25  per  cent  of  the  qualified  electors. 
Seven  Iowa  cities  reorganized  under  this  arrangement.  South 
Dakota  adopted  a  similar  law  in  the  same  year. 

Commission  Laics  in  Tivenly  States 

In  1907  and  ifjog  Kansas  adopted  two  such  laws,  for  her 
first-  and  second-class  cities,  respectively,  and  now  every  impor- 
tant city  in  Kansas  is  under  the  commission  form.  The  other 
states  which  have  adoi)ted   such  blanket  laws   are   Illinois,   Ken- 


SHORT   BALLOT  143 

tucky,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  North  Dakota,  South  Carolina, 
Texas,  New  Mexico,  Wisconsin,  Alabama,  Idaho,  Montana, 
Utah,  Washington,  Nebraska,  New  Jersey,  and  Wyoming.  The 
six  last  named  have  enacted  such  legislation  during  the  past 
year.  The  home-rule  charter  states  of  California,  Oregon,  Colo- 
rado, Washington  (cities  of  over  20,000  population),  Michigan, 
Minnesota,  and  Oklahoma,  all  have  "commission"  cities.  In 
Massachusetts,  North  Carolina,  and  Maine  several  cities  have 
charters  by  special  act  of  legislature.  So  that  altogether  cities 
with  a  total  population  of  nearly  four  million  either  are  now  or 
shortly  will  be  governed  under  this  plan. 

Galveston  is  a  city  of  moderate  size,  with  a  population  of 
36,981.  For  a  time  the  movement  was  identified  with  cities  of 
this  class,  but  later  it  was  spread  both  to  the  larger  and  smaller 
communities  so  that  now  in  the  "commission"  group  are  hamlets 
like  Canton,  S.  D.,  too  small  for  a  separate  census  enumeration, 
and  Oakland,  Cal. ,  Omaha,  Neb. ,  Birmingham,  Ala.,  and  Mem- 
phis, Tenn.,  all  having  a  population  in  excess  of  100,000.  Buffalo 
with  a  population  near  500,000  has  voted  favorably  on  the  idea, 
but  has  been  unable  thus  far  to  bring  the  New  York  legislature 
to  see  it  in  the  same  light;  and  some  enthusiasts  even  suggest 
the  "commission"  form  for  New  York  City. 

On  November  7,  last,  Lowell  and  Lawrence,  Mass. ,  Sacra- 
mento, Cal.,  Chanute,  Kans.,  Lexington,  Ky.,  and  Fremont, 
Mich.,  adopted  the  plan.  The  people  of  Salt  Lake  City  elected 
the  first  commissioners  under  the  new  system.  Soon  also  Padu- 
cah,  Ky.,  Eugene  and  Salem,  Ore.,  and  Pasadena,  Cal.,  will  pass 
upon  the  question.  In  Denver,  Colo. ,  Baltimore,  Md.,  and 
Wheeling,  W.  Va.,  the  inauguration  of  the  new  system  is  being 
vigorously  urged  by  the  leading  commercial  or  civic  associations 
of  the  respective  cities.  It  is  doubtful  if  any  specific  political 
reform  ever  spread  with  such  rapidity  and  achieved  such  popu- 
larity within  the  short  period  of  four  years  which  is  virtually  the 
age  of  the  movement,  reckoning  from  the  time  of  its  adoption 
in  Des  Moines. 

What  Is  " C ommission"  Government? 

The  particular  plan  of  organization  adopted  in  Des  Moines 
is  not  the  universal  type.  When  the  charters  are  analyzed  it  is 
found  that  they  vary  somewhat  widely  in  detail.  The  basic 
structure  of  all,  however,  is  this :     A  body  of  five  men  (three  in 


144  SHORT   BALLOT 

smaller  cities,  seven  in  Omaha)  on  each  of  whom  is  devolved 
the  supervision  ovei*  a  department  of  the  city's  activities.  Thus 
in  Galveston,  there  are  four  departments  (the  mayor  in  Gal- 
veston is  not  specifically  assigned  to  one),  designated,  (i) 
Finance  .'md  revenue,  (2)  Streets  and  public  property,  (3)  Water 
and  sewerage,  (4)  Police  and  fire.  The  five  men  sit  as  a  body 
in  a  deliberative  capacity.  All  of  the  commissioners  are  elected 
by  a  vote  of  the  whole  city.  Normally  and  logically  they  are 
the  only  elective  officers,  but  a  few  charters  provide  for  a 
separately  elected  fiscal  officer  on  the  theory  that  the  audit  of 
the  commission's  accounts  should  be  conducted  by  an  officer  who 
is  not  one  of  their  servants.  Under  the  Alabama  law  this  sepa- 
rate audit  is  conducted  by  a  state  examiner. 

The  Des  Moines  charter  added  to  the  structure  what  were 
at  the  time  unknown  and  untried  "devices"  of  the  initiative, 
referendum,  and  recall,  measures  designed  to  make  doubly  sure 
that  the  people  would  control.  This  instrument  also  included 
civil  service  and  corrupt  practices  provisions  and  a  scheme  of 
non-partisan  elections.  These  features,  however,  were  all  taken 
from  older  forms ;  and  they  constitute  no  essential  part  of  the 
commission  movement,  inasmuch  as  one  or  all  of  them  are 
absent  from  nearly  every  law  except  the  Iowa  statute.  The 
initiative  and  referendum  have  rarely  been  used,  and  of  the  recall 
the  most  striking  instances  of  its  use  lie  outside  the  commis- 
sioned-governed cities.  The  only  commissioners  ever  removed 
were  those  of  Tacoma,  Wash.,  and  during  September,  191 1,  the 
mayor  and  one  other  commissioner  in  Wichita,  Kan. 

The  Galveston  plan  was  hewn  in  the  rough.  Wide  applica- 
tion has  shown  that  certain  adjustments  must  be  made  in  locali- 
ties to  make  the  instrument  thoroughly  responsive  to  the  will  of 
the  people.  Here  is  a  rather  fine  question  in  social  psychology : 
How  to  arrange  the  popular  selection  of  the  elective  body  in 
such  a  way  that  every  member  of  it  shall  receive  such  adequate 
scrutiny  as  to  secure  his  full  responsibility  to  the  voters  of  the 
city.  In  Wichita  the  mayor  was  separately  designated  on  the 
ballot,  I.  e.,  voted  for  as  mayor,  although  under  the  Kansas  law 
he  is  no  more  important  than  any  of  his  confreres.  But  the 
people  thought  he  was  more  important,  with  the  result  that  the 
interest  in  the  Wichita  elections  has  been  centered  on  the  mayor, 
at  the  ex|)cnse  of  the  other  ci)mmissioners.  To  renicdy  this 
defect,  a  radical  step  has  been  taken  in  New  Jersey  and  Nebraska : 


SHORT   BALLOT  145 

a  commission  of  five  is  elected  by  the  people  and  from  their  own 
number  the  commissioners  select  a  mayor.  Thus  every  candi- 
date for  commissioner  elected  is,  potentially,  the  head  of  the  city 
government,  and,  presumably,  receives  a  corresponding  share  of 
attention  at  the  hands  of  the  electors. 

The  Sacramento,  Cal.,  charter,  which  was  voted  on  November 
7,  is  a  remarkable  one  in  several  respects :  the  board  of  education 
is  wiped  out  and  its  functions  vested  in  the  city  council,  one  of 
whom  will  be  commissioner  of  education ;  the  commissioners 
will  be  elected  in  rotation,  one  every  year  (the  Short  Ballot  idea 
reduced  to  its  lowest  terms)  ;  the  system  of  recall  is  unusual 
and  almost  unique. 

Perhaps  the  most  radical  proposal  of  any  is  that  which  has 
been  made  by  the  Board  of  Trade  of  Lockport,  New  York,  in 
its  bill  which  it  introduced  in  the  last  session  of  the  legislature. 
Under  this  proposal,  the  Short  Ballot  feature  is  retained ;  i.  e., 
the  five  elective  officials  are  responsible  for  the  entire  conduct 
of  the  city's  affairs.  But  the  council  (commission)  is  a  regulative 
body  only,  like  a  board  of  directors.  The  individual  members 
would  have  no  special  administrative  duties  and  responsibilities 
as  in  Des  Moines.  The  administrative  work  would  be  con- 
ducted under  the  direction  of  an  appointive  expert  to  be  known 
as  the  city  manager,  who  would  have  full  powers  of  appoint- 
ment and  removal.  The  arrangement  would  give  a  type  of  gov- 
ernment exactly  parallel  to  that  of  a  private  business  corporation. 
It  is  also  a  close  approximation  to  the  German  type  of  city 
government,  in  which  the  Biirgermeister  plays  the  part  of  man- 
ager. The  advocates  of  this  scheme  point  out  the  difficulties, 
which  have  arisen  under  the  Des  Moines  type,  of  securing  the 
proper  kind  of  men  to  perform  administrative  work  by  popular 
election.  They  also  claim  that  this  plan  affords  a  better  oppor- 
tunity for  representation  for  the  different  interests  in  the  popu- 
lation, since  no  man  would  be  excluded  from  public  office  for 
lack  of  executive  training. 

Business  Efficiency 

A  most  striking  feature  of  this  movement  is  the  vigor  with 
which  it  has  smitten  some  of  the  favorite  traditions  of  American 
political  thought.  Theorists  have,  in  fact,  furnished  less  resist- 
ance to  the  spread  of  the  plan  than  any  party  to  its  discussion ; 
and  the  enemy  has  rested  less  upon  theoretical  objections  than 


146  SHORT   BALLOT 

in  any  prominent  constructive  political  movement  in  the  past. 
Thus  the  theory  of  separation  of  powers,  familiarly  known  as 
"checks  and  halances,"  has  come  in  for  some  heavy  hammering. 
The  old  style  of  city  government  was  devisedly  complex,  studi- 
ously "checked,"  and  ingeniously  balanced.  But  the  commission 
plan  rudely  brushes  the  theory  of  separation  of  powers  aside. 

The  fruit  of  this  iconoclasm  is  reasonably  inferable  from  the 
mass  of  testimony  to  the  business  efficiency  of  the  system.  The 
v>'ord  "mass"  is  used  advisedly,  for,  in  view  of  the  variations 
of  the  individual  charters,  any  deductions  in  support  of  the 
essential  commission  type  must  be  comprehensive  in  scope. 
These  are  some  of  the  results  reported : 

Dallas,  Tex.  A  deficiency  of  $200,000  wiped  out  and  a  credit  balance 
established  in  two  years. 

Topeka,  Kan.  Municipal  bonds  sold  at  private  sale  at  a  higher  rate 
than  under  the  old  administration. 

Burlington,  Iowa.  The  old  city  debt  refunded  in  serial  bonds  bearing 
4}^  per  cent    interest  instead  of  6  per  cent  as  formerly. 

Columbia,  S.  C.  E.xtensive  reduction  in  budget  for  corresponding  items 
under  the  old  administration. 

Hutchinson,  Kan.     Bonds  selling  at  a  lower  rate  than  ever  before. 

Cherryvale,  Kan.  The  bonds  of  the  city  selling  at  par  for  the  first 
time. 

Corpus  Christi,  Tex.  Extensive  improvements  in  streets  and  side- 
walks, etc.;   property  values  greatly  increased. 

Chattanooga,  Tenn.  Bonds  of  the  city  selling  at  a  better  prenaium 
than  formerly. 

Bartlesville,  Okla.  City  warrants  worth  par  and  city  deposits  now 
bearing  interest. 

Houston,  Tex.  The  credit  of  the  city  restored  from  eighty  centd  on 
the  dollar  to  par,  and  the  tax  rate  reduced  from  $2.00  to  $1.70  on  the 
same  valuation. 

Leavenworth,  Kan.  Bonded  indebtedness  reduced  by  $113,000  in  three 
years  while  the  tax  rate  remained  stationary. 

Haverhill,  Mass.  A  saving  of  $97,900  effected  by  the  first  year's  admin- 
istration. 

This  evidence,  of  course,  is  ex  parte.  Not  every  commission 
has  realized  the  hopes  of  the  dreamers ;  not  all  of  the  cities 
have  reduced  the  tax  rate, — Oakland,  Cal.,  for  example,  has 
materially  raised  hers.  But  this  fact  is  unimportant;  for  effici- 
ency has  a  wider  meaning  in  that,  while  some  cities  have  a 
constituency  demanding  retrenchment,  more  often  the  demand 
is  for  expansion.  The  significant  thing  is  this :  Supporting  the 
activities  of  every  r'r^v  is  an  undercurrent  of  popular  optimism 


SHORT    BALLOT  147 

and  hope,  if  not  actual  satisfaction.  Even  in  Spokane,  Wash., 
where  the  selection  of  commissioners  is  said  to  have  been  some- 
what unfortunate,  there  is  a  disposition  to  see  the  experiment 
through.  No  city  has  ever  gone  back  to  its  former  plan  of 
government,  nor  has  any  evidence  appeared  that  any  of  them 
is  seriously  thinking  of  so  doing ;  not  even  Tacoma,  in  spite  of 
recent  unpleasant  experiences  with  the  mayor  and  two  members 
of  the  council  whom  she  found  it  convenient  to  recall.  In  com- 
mercial and  financial  circles  such  a  sentiment  has  a  ratable 
value ;  to  the  commissioners  it  has  been  found  to  be  an  earnest 
of  faith  and  confidence  which  begets  a  courage  to  attack  bigger 
problems  and  conditions. 

The  Short  Ballot  as  a  Solution 

The  commission  government  has  found,  not  a  perfectly  de- 
fined, but  a  roughly  formulated  solution  for  the  residuum  of  big 
political  evils  which  previous  reforms,  like  the  merit  system  of 
civil  service  and  the  Australian  ballot,  have  not  reached — the 
solution  of  the  Short  Ballot.  This  has  been  formally  enunciated 
by  the  National  Short  Ballot  Organization,  as  follows : 

First — That  only  those  offices  should  be  elective  which  are 
important  enough  to  attract  (and  deserve)  public  examination. 

Second — That  very  few  offices  should  be  filled  by  election  at 
one  time,  so  as  to  permit  adequate  and  unconfused  public  exami- 
nation of  the  candidates. 

There  would  be,  not  an  addition  of  new  features  and  "de- 
vices" to  the  original  political  structure  but  a  re-creation  of  the 
structure  itself,  starting  at  its  point  of  contact  with  the  individual 
citizen.  The  re-created  structure  would  have  in  mind  the  capaci- 
ties, and  the  limitations  of  the  American  citizen  of  this,  the 
twentieth  century,  and  it  would  not  overtax  those  capacities  or 
exceed  those  limitations.  Governor  Woodrow  Wilson,  the  head 
of  this  new  movement,  expresses  himself  in  these  words : 

Simplification!  Simplification!  is  the  task  that  awaits  us;  to  reduce 
the  number  of  persons  voted  for  to  the  absolute  workable  minimum, 
knowing  whom  you  have  selected;  knowing  whom  you  have  trusted,  and 
having  so  few  persons  to  watch  that  you  can  watch  them.  That  is  the 
way  we  are  going  to  get  popular  control  back  in  this  country,  and  that 
is  the  only  way  we  are  going  to  get  political  control  back.  Put  in  other 
elected  oiificers  to  watch  those  that  you  have  already  elected,  and  you 
will  merely  remove  your  control  one  step  further  away. 

The  commission  plan  has  made  the  adjustment  at  least  fairly 

12 


148  SHORT    BALLOT 

well  for  a  number  of  our  cities.  Will  the  movement  stop  here? 
Is  not  the  broad  doctrine  of  simplicitj-  germane  also  to  the  prob- 
lems of  states  and  counties? 

Wider  Short   Ballot  Prospects 

At  a  special  election  in  California  on  October  lo,  the  state 
adopted  three  Short  Ballot  amendments.  One,  frankly  such, 
took  the  clerk  of  the  supreme  court  off  the  ballot  and  vested 
his  appointment  in  the  supreme  court.  Another  made  the  mem- 
bers of  the  state  railroad  commission  appointive  by  the  governor. 
The  third  provided  a  plan  for  county  home-rule  charters  under 
which  it  will  be  possible  for  any  county  to  draft  a  scheme  of 
organization  suited  to  local  needs.  The  amendment  specifies 
that  all  county  officers  except  county  judges  and  supervisors  may 
be  made  appointii'c  instead  of  elective  as  at  present.  Thus  it 
will  be  possible  for  a  big  county  like  Los  Angeles  to  shorten  its 
ballot  from  forty-five  to  about  twenty-three  officers,  by  reducing 
the  elective  list. 

The  California  election,  by  the  way,  is  the  first  step  of.  the 
Short  Ballot  movement  from  the  cities  into  the  wider  fields  of 
state  government. 

Annals  of  the  American  Academy.     38:844-7. 
November,  1I911 

Lockport    Proposal.     F.    D.    Silvernail 

Municipal  conditions  in  the  city  of  Lockport  are  much  the 
same  as  in  many  others  which  have  suffered  from  the  typical  ills 
of  American  democracy.  The  city  has  a  population  somewhat 
under  20,000,  and  has  been  ruled  for  years  by  a  triumvirate  of 
bosses.  Popular  control  has  been  a  negligible  quantity,  and  the 
rule  of  the  self-appointed  trio  has  been  anything  but  one  respon- 
sive to  the  will  of  the  people  of  the  city.  As  a  natural  conse- 
quence of  the  aloofness  of  the  government,  needed  improvements 
have  been  delayed  for  years  at  a  stretch,  and  when  actually 
undertaken,  have  been  executed  in  a  most  inothcient  and  expen- 
sive manner.  It  was  these  conditions  which  led  the  Lockjiort 
Board  of  Trade  to  become  sponsor  for  the  plan  of  municipal 
organization  which  has  come  to  be  known  as  the  "Lockport 
proposal,"  wliich  was  embodied  in  a  bill  introduced  into  the  1911 


SHORT    BALLOT  I49 

session  of  the  New  York  legislature  and  supported  by  the  Com- 
mission Government  Association  of  New  York  State. 

The  "Lockport  plan"  is  built  upon  the  same  basic  principle  as 
the  Des  Moines  commission  government  law,  but  it  aims  to 
correct  what  seem  to  many  to  be  illogical  features  of  that  plan. 
The  commission  government  movement  is  based  primarily  upon 
the  theory  of  the  union  of  legislative  and  administrative  powers 
in  the  hands  of  a  small  body  of  men  who  are  the  sole  responsible 
agents  of  the  people.  It  is  a  theory,  borne  out  in  practice,  that 
this  small  group  of  men,  because  of  their  conspicuous  position, 
tend  to  feel  a  responsibility  to  their  constituents  in  a  degree 
which  virtually  restores  government  to  the  people.  The  Des 
Moines  plan,  however,  does  not  carry  this  theory  of  responsibility 
to  its  logical  conclusion.  The  commission  of  five  men  are  not 
collectively  responsible  for  the  acts  of  the  municipality.  Neither 
are  the  individual  commissioners.  At  first  blush  these  state- 
ments may  startle  some  readers,  but  note  carefully  the  following 
hypothetical  situation.  Let  us  suppose  that  the  majority  of  the 
commission  have  passed  an  ordinance  providing  for  the  repave- 
ment  of  the  main  thoroughfare.  Let  us  suppose  that  the  com- 
missioner of  streets  and  public  property  was  not  a  member  of 
the  majority  which  passed  the  resolution,  and  happens  also  to 
be  a  man  of  independent  ideas.  What  action  can  the  responsible 
commission  take  to  force  one  of  its  own  number  to  execute  its 
orders?  Now  suppose  another  situation:  The  commissioner  of 
streets  is  desirous  of  placing  electroliers  in  the  public  squares. 
Public  sentiment  is  clamoring  for  such  action,  but  on  looking 
over  his  annual  budget,  the  commissioner  finds  that  it  is  insuffi- 
cient to  cover  this  added  expense.  He  applies  to  the  commission 
for  a  larger  appropriation  and  they  refuse.  In  that  case,  who  is 
responsible  for  the  inaction  of  the  city  government?  Cases  of 
such  conflict  have  actually  been  brought  forward  in  some  of  the 
commission  governed  cities. 

Under  the  Lockport  plan  responsibility  would  be  vested  in 
five  men,  acting  always  collectively.  They  would  meet  with  no 
such  difficulty  in  enforcing  their  orders  as  in  the  case  cited, 
for  the  party  responsible  for  the  actual  execution  of  orders 
would  not  be  one  of  their  own  number  but  an  appointive  crea- 
ture of  theirs — the  city  manager.  In  short,  the  Lockport  plan 
corporation,  w^ith  the  city  council  corresponding  to  the  board 
■  of  directors  and  the  city  manager  to  the  general  manager.     This 


ISO  SHORT   BALLOT 

city  manager  is  the  unique  feature  of  the  "Lockport  plan."  But 
while  it  is  a  unique  proposal  in  the  organization  of  city  govern- 
ments, it  is  by  no  means  novel  in  other  forms  of  organization. 
Not  only  have  private  corporations  reached  what  appears  to  be 
their  ultimate  form  in  this  particular  tj'pe  of  organization,  but 
it  is  the  plan  which  operates  in  large  school  systems  throughout 
the  United  States,  in  which  the  superintendent  of  schools  corre- 
sponds to  the  city  manager.  It  is  also  a  very  close  appro.xima- 
tion  to  the  German  type  of  city  government,  in  which  the  Biir- 
germeister  is  the  central  administrative  agent  and  the  council  is 
the  ultimate  responsible  body,  which  lays  down  the  policy  of  the 
municipality.  Of  course,  the  German  cities  look  back  upon  a 
totally  different  set  of  traditions  from  the  American.  Still,  the 
naked  question  of  municipal  administration  is  not  one  which  is 
concerned  with  the  political  genius  of  a  people.  Certainly,  under 
the  "Lockport  proposal,"  the  voice  of  the  people  has  just  as 
effective  a  medium  as  under  the  Des  Moines  plan.  And,  once 
we  concede  this  fact,  there  remains  the  simple  question  of  best 
organization. 

The  "Lockport  proposal"  looks  forward  to  a  time  when 
municipal  government  will  be  conducted  by  real  experts.  To 
suppose  that  popular  election  in  the  great  majority  of  cases  will 
secure  expert  service  seems  almost  fatuous.  Even  the  most 
educated  of  our  citizens  must  fail  if  called  upon  to  choose,  let 
us  say,  between  the  technical  qualifications  of  two  candidates  for 
a  position  which  requires  an  engineer's  training.  On  the  other 
hand,  an  appointive  expert  could  be  found  to  take  general  charge 
of  the  city  administration  who  could  select  trained  assistants 
under  the  most  favorable  conditions.  The  city  manager  himself 
would,  supposedly,  be  a  rather  high  salaried  officer  and  might 
be  taken  from  any  part  of  the  country.  There  would  seem  to 
be  in  this  country  ample  material  from  which  to  choose  such  an 
officer.  In  the  event  that  such  a  proposal  should  receive  wide 
adoption,  it  is  easily  conceivable  that  there  would  arise  in  the 
United  States  a  class  of  municipal  experts.  The  profession  would 
be  a  most  alluring  one  to  men  of  talent  and  vision,  and  it  seems 
hardly  too  much  to  suppose  that  we  would  come  to  have  a 
combination  of  democracy  and  municipal  efficiency  which  has 
never  before  been  effected. 

The  Lockport  plan,  again,  has  certain  i)ossibiIitics  which  seem 
to  place  it  on  a  higher  level  as  a  democratic  instnuncnt  than  the 


SHORT   BALLOT  151 

ordinary  commission  plan.  The  latter  system  has  been  strongly 
advocated  by  "business"  interests.  Labor,  for  this  reason  has 
frequently  looked  askance  at  the  movement,  and  perhaps  not 
always  without  some  just  cause.  In  order  to  achieve  true  democ- 
racy, every  important  element  in  the  city  should  be  represented 
in  the  council,  but  if  every  councilman  is  to  be  both  a  representa- 
tive of  certain  class  interests  and  desires,  and  also  a  municipal 
expert,  what  is  labor  to  gain?  Many  men  who  would  prove 
most  excellent  representatives  of  labor  would  fail  when  con- 
fronted with  problems  of  municipal  administration.  What  is  a 
barber,  for  example,  apt  to  know  about  the  administration  of 
finance?  And  yet  that  same  barber  may  be  the  truest  repre- 
sentative and  best  spokesman  of  labor  in  the  community.  The 
"Lockport  plan"  would  not  embarrass  him  by  requiring  him  to 
take  charge  of  a  department,  but  would  simply  require  him  to 
exercise  his  representative  functions  on  the  council. 

The  salaries  which  are  usually  paid  under  the  commission 
plan  are  not  sufficiently  large  in  all  cases  to  attract  real  experts. 
If  the  best  brains  of  the  community  were  required  simply  to 
pass  judgment  on  policies  and  leave  the  execution  of  those 
policies  to  a  salaried  chief  executive,  many  men  of  large  calibre 
would  be  willing  to  devote  to  the  citj^'s  business  the  small  amount 
of  time  and  energy  which  such  a  commissionership  would  require. 

On  the  whole,  then,  it  seems  as  though  the  "Lockport  plan" 
has  made  a  certain  contribution  to  the  solution  of  the  twofold 
problem  of  municipal  government  in  this  country,  viz. :  that  of 
securing  administrative  efficiency,  which  at  the  same  time  pre- 
serves all  the  essentials  of  democracy. 

Aside  from  the  features  above  noted,  the  Lockport  plan 
embodies  the  usual  minor  features  of  the  commission  plan,  in- 
cluding non-partisan  nominations,  elections  at  large,  initiative, 
referendum,  recall,  etc.  One  minor  feature,  however,  should  be 
noted  viz. :  nominations  by  deposit.  Under  this  plan,  the  candi- 
date, in  lieu  of  a  petition,  may  put  up  a  deposit  of  fifty  dollars, 
in  order  to  have  his  name  appear  on  the  ballot.  In  case  he 
receives  fifteen  per  cent  or  more  of  the  total  vote  cast,  or  turns 
out  to  be,  in  other  words,  a  serious  candidate,  his  deposit  is 
returned.  This  method  is  borrowed  from  the  Canadian  election 
law,  and  is  believed  to  be  a  wise  alternative  to  the  system  of 
nomination  by  petition. 


IS2  SHORT   BALLOT 

Annals  of  the  American  Academy:    Commission  Government 
in  American  Cities,  2d  Ed.  1914:862-70 

City-Manager  Charter  of   Dayton.     L.   D.   Upson 

The  Dayton  charter  is  an  endeavor  to  retain  the  strength  of 
the  commission  plan — the  concentration  of  policy  determining 
authority  in  a  small  non-partisan  legislative  lx)dy — and  to  add 
to  it  a  permanent  administrative  force  of  trained  executives. 
Neither  the  commission  nor  federal  scheme  of  government 
secures  this  last  end.  The  federal  ward  plan  of  representation, 
and  the  biennial  change  of  departmental  heads,  has  been  dis- 
credited. And  investigations  showed  that  commission  govern- 
ment, while  an  improvement,  had  not  secured  the  desirable 
efficiency  in  city  administration. 

It  does  not  appear  practicable  to  select  men  from  the  average 
walks  of  life,  and  require  them  not  only  to  determine  the  policies 
of  a  municipality,  but  also  to  direct  the  technical  details  of 
conducting  a  city  department.  The  obvious  solution  of  this 
problem  is  the  complete  separation  of  the  legislative  from  the 
administrative  functions  of  government  in  conjunction  with  a 
short  non-partisan  ballot.  This  was  effected  in  the  Dayton 
charter,  which  was  modeled  closely  upon  the  Lockport  plan. 
The  representative  body  is  limited  strictly  to  legislative  duties — 
determining  what  shall  be  the  large,  general  policies  for  the 
government.  The  execution  of  these  policies  is  delegated  to 
an  appointed  city  manager  held  definitely  responsible  for  them. 

Five  commissioners  or  councilmen,  elected  at  large  on  a  non- 
partisan ticket  for  a  term  of  four  years,  constitute  the  legislative 
division  of  the  city's  government.  After  consideration  of  both 
proportional  representation,  and  the  preferential  ballot,  it  was 
decided  that  nominatit)ns  be  secured  by  at  least  two  per  cent  of 
the  registered  voters  signing  a  petition  to  place  their  candidate 
on  the  primary  ballot.  .'Xt  the  first  election  five  candidates  were 
selected,  the  three  receiving  the  greatest  vote  to  serve  for  four 
years.     The  remaining  two  hold  office  for  two  years. 

Thus  the  board  of  commissioners  becomes  a  continuous  body, 
two  members,  then  three  members  being  elected  every  alternate 
two  years.  In  this  manner  a  legislative  body  will  be  assureil, 
a  portion  of  which  will  be  always  familiar  with  the  affairs  of  the 
city;   and   at   the   same   time   then-   will   be  a   tendency  to  prevent 


SHORT   BALLOT       ,  IS3 

the  wholesale  removal  of  administrative  officers,  such  as  might 
be  attendant  upon  a  quadrennial  choosing  of  entirely  new 
representatives. 

The  commissioner  receiving  the  highest  vote  at  the  election 
at  which  three  commissioners  are  chosen — that  is  once  every 
four  years,  acts  as  mayor.  His  major  duties  are  to  act  as  chair- 
man of  the  commission  and  to  represent  the  city  as  one  of  the 
members  of  the  county  budget  commission  for  the  fixing  of  the 
tax  rate.  In  addition  he  is  recognized  as  the  official  head  of 
the  city  by  the  courts,  and  by  the  governor  for  the  purposes  of 
the  military  law.  There  is  no  veto  power,  and  the  mayor  is  in 
reality  only  the  ceremonial  head  of  the  government. 

Objection  has  been  made  to  this  method  of  choosing  the 
mayor,  in  preference  to  having  candidates  run  for  this  desig- 
nated office.  It  is  now  possible  for  any  disgruntled  faction  by 
failing  to  vote  for  all  but  one  candidate  to  insure  the  choice  of 
the  most  undesirable  member  of  the  commission  as  mayor.  This 
has  not  proved  true  locally,  but  is  doubtless  a  theoretical  objec- 
tion with  considerable  foundation. 

Commissioners  receive  a  nominal  salary  as  only  a  portion 
of  their  time  is  necessary  for  the  performance  of  their  public 
duties,  which  may  be  summarized  as : 

1.  The  appointment  of  a  city  manager. 

2.  The  enactment  of  the  city  appropriation  ordinance,  and 
approval  of  the  mayor's  budget  upon  which  the  tax  rate  is  based. 

3.  Enactment  of  police  ordinances. 

4.  Enactment  of  resolutions  and  ordinances  determining 
upon  public  works  to  be  paid  for  by  special  assessment. 

Aside  from  the  city  manager  the  commission  is  empowered 
to  appoint  a  clerk,  several  members  of  an  unimportant  county 
board,  and  a  non-partisan  board  to  execute  the  civil  service 
clause  of  the  charter.  The  appointments  of  the  city  manager 
may  be  made  frovi  the  entire  eligible  list,  as  determined  by  the 
civil  service  board,  and  dismissals  can  become  operative  only 
after  an  appeal  to  that  body  has  been  heard.  Such  latitude  in 
employing  would  permit  a  commission  and  manager  so  inclined 
to  create  a  political  machine  almost  impregnable.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  privilege  granted  of  a  dismissed  employee  to  appeal 
to  a  board  whose  decision  is  final,  practically  compels  the  man- 
ager to  prove  incompetency  beyond  any  question.  The  manager 
is   directly  responsible,   not   only  to   the  commission,   but  to  the 


!54  SHORT   BALLOT 

public  for  the  efficient  administration  of  the  city,  and  inability 
to  dismiss  freely  undesirable  employees  would  seem  to  throw  an 
unwarranted  obstacle  in  the  way  of  that  accomplishment. 

The  city  manager,  appointed  by  the  commission,  is  the 
administrative  head  of  the  city  government,  and  responsible  for 
all  departments.  This  administrator  is  appointed  without  regard 
to  political  beliefs,  and  "may  or  may  not  be  a  resident  of  the 
city  of  Dayton  when  appointed."  But  whether  the  manager 
may  "be  a  resident  of  a  state  other  than  Ohio  is  questionable. 
The  state  constitution  requires  that  "no  person  shall  be  elected 
or  appointed  to  any  office  in  this  state,  unless  he  possess  the 
qualifications  of  an  elector."  The  manager  holds  office  at  the 
will  of  the  commissioners  and  is  also  subject  to  popular  recall. 
This  last  provision  is  of  course  a  departure  from  recognized 
good  practice,  but  was  believed  necessary  to  secure  public  en- 
dorsement of  so  radical  an  innovation  in  the  method  of  local 
government. 

Doubtless  also  the  position  and  political  independence  of  this 
executive  would  have  been  strengthened  had  it  been  made  neces- 
sary for  the  commission  in  discharging  their  employee,  to  prefer 
formal  charges  and  hold  a  public  hearing  upon  the  same.  The 
Short  Ballot  and  the  recall  will  probably  inhibit  a  repetition  of 
the  political  jobbery  in  the  dismissing  and  hiring  of  a  manager, 
which  is  seen  so  frequently  in  the  instance  of  school  superin- 
tendents, yet  it  might  have  been  well  to  make  this  prohibition 
doubly  sure. 

Summarized  brielly  the  duties  of  the  manager  are  as  follows: 

1.  To  see  that  the  laws  and  ordinances  are  enforced. 

2.  To  appoint,  and  e.xcept  as  herein  provided,  remove  all 
directors  of  de])artnients  and  all  subordinate  officers  and  em- 
ployees in  the  dei)artments  in  both  the  classified  and  unclassified 
service. 

3.  To  exercise  control  over  all  dii>artnients  and  divisions 
created  herein  or  that  may  be  hereafter  created  by  the  commis- 
sion. 

4.  To  attend  all  meetings  of  the  conuuission  with  the  right 
to  take  part  in  the  discussion  but  having  no  vote. 

5.  To  reconunend  to  the  commission  for  adoi'tion  such 
measures  as  he  may  deem  necessary  or  exi)edient. 

6.  To  keep  the  conuuission  fully  advised  as  to  tiie  liuancial 
condition  of  the  city,  and 


SHORT   BALLOT  iS5 

7.  To  perform  such  other  duties  as  may  be  prescribed  by  the 
charter  or  be  required  of  him  by  ordinance  or  resohition  of  the 
commission. 

It  will  be  noted  that  these  duties  are  in  no  way  political  or 
policy  determining,  and  their  delegation  to  ah  appointive  officer 
cannot  be  considered  as  relinquishing  any  rights  that  the  public 
may  have   in  the  government. 

For  administrative  purposes  the  municipal  government  is 
divided  into  the 

1.  Department  of  law. 

2.  Department  of  public  service,  comprising  the  construction 
and  maintenance  of  streets,  sidewalks  and  sewers ;  collection  and 
disposal  of  waste;  and  management  of  public  utilities. 

3.  Department  of  safety,  comprising  the  divisions  of  fire  and 
police,  building  inspection,  and  the  enforcement  of  ordinances 
relating  to  weights  and  measures. 

4.  Department  of  finance,  comprising  the  divisions  of  ac- 
counting, and  the  purchasing  of  supplies,  the  office  of  treasurer 
being  abolished  as  a  duplication  of  the  work  of  the  auditor. 

5.  Department  of  public  welfare,  comprising  the  divisions 
of  health,  parks  and  playgrounds,  charities  and  correction. 

At  the  head  of  each  department  is  a  director,  chosen  by  the 
manager,  responsible  to  him  and  to  the  commission  for  the 
economical,  efficient  and  proper  conduct  of  the  division.  The 
conmiission  may,  however,  by  ordinance  discontinue  any  depart- 
ment and  determine,  combine  and  distribute  the  functions  of 
government  as  they  see  fit.  The  municipal  judicial  election  and 
educational  systems  are  by  law  without  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
charter. 

It  is  possible,  however,  that  the  division  of  the  government 
into  these  five  principal  departments,  inherent  in  the  commission 
plan,  was  too  slavishly  copied  in  the  local  document.  The  newly- 
elected  commissioners  seriously  considered  exercising  their 
authority  to  abolish  this  proposed  organization  and  increase 
the  number  of  divisions  or  bureaus  to  a  total  of  twelve.  While 
this  proposal  would  increase  the  supervisory  duties  of  the  man- 
ager, it  would  have  made  the  head  of  each  division  an  actual 
working  unit  rather  than  an  administrative  position.  The  sal- 
aries of  the  supervisory  places  abolished  could  have  been  distrib- 
uted in  part  to  the  heads  of  divisions,  with  a  view  to  securing  a 
higher  grade  of  executive,  and  very  advisedly  might  have  been 


156  SHORT    BALLOT 

partially  invested  in  securing  an  assistant  city  manager,  thereby 
insuring  a  more  than  one-man  organization.  The  manager 
might  then  resign,  be  recalled,  fall  ill  or  be  otherwise  incapaci- 
tated and  there  would  be  ready  to  assume  his  responsibilities, 
as  manager,  a  subordinate  fully  familiar  with  the  duties,  program 
and  organization  of  the  government.  Under  the  Dayton  charter 
so  many  obligations  devolve  upon  the  manager  personally,  some 
of  which  unfortunately  are  of  a  purely  routine  character,  such 
as  the  signing  of  all  the  orders  for  city  supplies,  that  a  few 
days'  neglect  would  bring  the  local  administration  into  grave 
disorder. 

During  the  campaign  antecedent  to  the  writing  and  adoption 
of  the  charter,  considerable  discussion  was  raised  concerning 
the  proper  status  of  tlie  city  solicitor  and  auditpr  in  the  proposed 
plan.  It  was  contended  tliat  the  financial  officer,  being  account- 
al)Ie  for  any  illegal  payments  by  his  department,  should  have  a 
discretion  independent  of  managerial  influence.  It  was  also 
advanced  that  an  independent  solicitor  would  be  ample  security 
to  this  end,  since  the  auditor  must  accept  the  opinion  of  this 
officer  as  to  tlie  legality  of  financial  transactions  of  the  muni- 
cipality. At  one  time  it  was  proposed  to  have  both  the  solicitor 
and  auditor  appointed  by  the  commission  rather  than  by  tiic 
manager.  This  proposition  probably  arose  from  a  natural  reluct- 
ance to  desert  entirely  a  government  of  checks  and  balances  so 
long  common  in  American  practice.  It  was,  however,  a  struggle 
between  political  theory  and  a  desire  for  concentrated  authority 
in  which  the  latter  prevailed.  The  correctness  of  either  ijosition 
can  only  be  empirically  determined. 

The  broad  social  character  of  the  document  may  be  judged 
from  the  creation  of  an  entire  department  concerned  with  the 
welfare  of  the  citizen  body.  Not  only  is  the  promotion  of  public 
health,  parks  and  recreation  centered  in  this  division  but  the 
director  must  i)rovide  for  research  into  the  causes  of  poverty, 
delin(|uency,  crime  and  disease,  and  other  social  problems  in  the 
community  ;  and  must  by  lectures  and  publicity  facilitate  a  wider 
understanding  of  these  (piestions.  If  this  section  is  made 
effective  in  the  same  spirit  in  which  it  was  written,  the  city 
government  will  not  only  reflect  the  jirogrcssive  socialized  opin- 
ion of  the  citizen  body,  but  will  create  it,  and  the  city  itself 
become  an  active  Icadtr  in  pniumtiug  ihr  dilficull  art  of  com- 
munity living. 


SHORT   BALLOT  I57 

Unique  in  American  practice  is  a  provision  borrowed  from 
Germany,  which  provides  for  the  possible  appointment  of  citizen 
boards  to  act  in  an  advisory  capacity  with  departmental  heads ; 
and  the  appointment  of  a  similar  city-plan  commission  is  made 
mandatory.  No  powers  are  granted  such  bodies,  except  that 
their  recommendations  become  departmental  records,  and  there 
must  be  regular  stated  meetings. 

In  addition  to  the  easy  amendment  of  the  charter,  democratic 
government  is  safeguarded  by  the  provision  for  the  initiative, 
referendum  and  recall.  It  is  unfortunate,  however,  that  the 
ballot  at  recall  elections  not  only  contains  the  proposition  for 
recall,  but  also  the  names  of  such  candidates  for  the  possible 
vacant  office,  as  may  have  secured  the  required  number  of  signa- 
tures. No  recall  petition  may  be  filed  against  any  officer  until 
six  months  after  the  election  or  the  failure  of  a  recall  election 
against  him.  The  percentage  of  electors  required  to  initiate  or 
refer  legislation  and  to  recall  officials  is  the  same  or  less  than 
that  found  in  over  one-half  of  the  cities  having  similar  legisla- 
tion provisions,  but  is  relatively  high  when  compared  with  the 
percentage — ten  per  cent — necessary  to  amend  the  charter.  This 
discrepancy  was  knowingly  incorporated  from  a  desire  to  pre- 
vent the  harassing  of  the  commission  by  disgruntled  political 
elements. 

Aside  from  the  separation  of  the  legislative  and  administrative 
divisions  of  government,  it  is  in  the  procedure  laid  down  for 
the  operation  of  these  latter  branches,  that  the  charter  is  most 
notable.  While  all  government  is  dependent  on  the  quality  of 
chosen  officials  and  the  extent  of  citizen  interest,  yet  it  is  be- 
lieved that  the  charter  provisions  governing  budget  making, 
accounting  procedure,  the  purchasing  of  supplies,  service  and 
operating  cost,  standardization  of  duties  and  compensation,  etc., 
are  of  such  a  character  as  will  tend  to  insure  a  desirable  mini- 
mum of  efficiency  in  city  government  even  should  there  be  an 
after-election  slump  in  public  interest.  No  matter  what  char- 
acter of  men  are  later  chosen  to  administer  the  government  of 
Dayton,  they  must  of  necessity  use  the  most  modern  methods 
in  that  administration^ — methods  which  most  readily  raise  danger 
signals  at  neglect,  inefficiency  or  corruption. 

Frequent  comment  has  been  made  upon  the  almost  universal 
failure  of  commission-governed  cities  to  install  modern  scientific 
methods   of  city  business,   and   upon   the   fact   that   a   few   cities 


158  SHORT   BALLOT 

opernting  under  a  cumbersome  form  of  federal  government  have, 
by  the  adoption  of  these  same  hitherto  neglected  ordinances, 
placed  themselves  in  the  first  rank  of  efficiently  governed  muni- 
cipalities. Even  were  there  no  lesson  to  be  drawn  from  these 
circumstances,  it  is  to  be  anticipated  that,  in  developing  a  system 
of  government  modeled  closely  upon  the  plan  of  incorporated 
commercial  organizations,  an  endeavor  would  have  been  made 
to  include  also  certain  characteristic  features  of  their  manage- 
ment. Most  notable  of  these  is  perhaps  the  care  used  in  the 
collection  and  disbursement  of  funds. 

Beginning  with  the  appropriation  of  funds,  it  is  required 
that  departmental  estimates  sliall  be  compiled  by  the  manager 
from  detailed  information  registered  on  uniform  blanks.  In 
substitution  for  the  heterogeneous  division  of  e.xpenditures  for- 
merly prevailing,  the  new  classification  must  be  uniform  for 
each  of  the  main  functional  divisions  of  all  departments,  and 
departmental  requests  must  give  in  parallel  columns  the  follow- 
ing information : 

(o)   A  detailed  estimate  of  departmental  needs. 

(b)  Expenditures  for  corresponding  items  covering  the  past 
two  years. 

(c)  Expenditures  of  the  present  year,  including  transfers. 

(d)  Supplies  on  hand. 

(e)  Increases  and  decreases. 

(f)  Other  information  required. 

(g)  Recommendations  of  the  city  manager. 

Additional  provision  is  made  for  the  publication  of  and 
public  hearing  on  the  budget  estimate  before  it  can  be  enacted 
into  law.  This  is  a  notai)le  gain.  During  the  old  regime  the 
])ul)lic  was  recently  able  to  obtain  an  informal  hearing  on  the 
departmental  estimates,  but  was  never  allowed  to  learn  the 
contents  of  the  final  appropriation  ordinance  until  it  was  pre- 
sented to  council  for  approval,  and  then  it  was  not  unfrequently 
amended  from  the  floor. 

For  the  regulation  of  the  accounting  procedure  it  was  decided 
to  incorporate  two  sections  found  in  the  Cleveland  charter 
which  require  that  "accounting  procedures  shall  be  devised  and 
maintained  for  the  city  adcijuatc  to  record  in  detail  all  tratis- 
aitions  affecting  the  acquisition,  custodianship  and  disposition 
of  values."  A  corollar>'  clause,  but  one  upon  which  the  al)Ove 
deprnds    for    its    interpretation    reads    in    part    as    follows:    "the 


SHORT   BALLOT  159 

commission  shall  cause  a  continuous  audit  to  be  made.  .  .  . 
Such  statements  shall  include  a  general  balance  sheet,  exhibiting 
the  assets  and  liabilities  of  the  city  supported  by  departmental 
schedules,  and  schedules  for  each  utility  publicly  owned  or 
operated ;  summaries  of  income  and  expenditure  supported  by 
detailed  schedules ;  and  also  comparison  .  .  .  with  the  last 
previous  year."  A  strict  accounting  interpretation  of  the  terms 
"income  and  expenditure"  will  place  the  city  accounting  upon  a 
basis  of  credits  accruing  and  liabilities  incurred  rather  than  the 
usual  cash  receipts  and  disbursements  basis,  upon  which  most 
municipalities  operate. 

Before  the  holiday  season  of  1912  the  city  found  itself  unable 
to  pay  the  salaries  of  the  police  and  fire  forces,  although  several 
hundred  thousand  dollars  were  on  deposit  in  other  funds,  and 
all  credits  of  the  police  fund  had  not  been  collected.  At  the 
time  the  city  was  paying  interest  on  a  large  floating  debt,  for  one 
department  and  loaning  other  money  to  the  banks  at  reduced 
interest.  Recalling  this  anomaly  the  paper  demarcation  between 
funds  was  withdrawn,  and  for  purposes  of  paying  bills  there  now 
exists  only  one  city  pocket.  However,  only  money  actually 
anticipated  to  come  into  the  treasury  may  be  appropriated,  thus 
securing  the  treasury  from  over-draft.  This  section  was  also 
designed  to  prevent  further  deficits,  in  the  operating  account, 
which  in  the  last  six  years  has  been  exceeded  by  $360,000. 

Supplementing  these  provisions  for  financial  accounting  are 
clauses  by  which  "the  head  of  each  department  .  .  .  shall 
require  proper  time  reports  for  all  services  rendered  ...  to 
serve  as  a  basis  for  the  preparation  of  pay-roll  vouchers,"  and 
by  which  each  departmental  head  must  submit  "current  financial 
and  operating  statements  exhibiting  the  transactions  (of  his 
department)  and  the  cost  therefor."  It  is  believed  that  these 
provisions  adequately  provide  for  progressive  budget  making, 
general  finance  accounts,  cost  accounts  and  operative  records — 
the  machinery  of  efficient  government. 

Revenue  systems  and  forms  of  taxation  are  prescribed  by 
general  law,  not  subject  to  charter  modification.  However,  com- 
plete detail,  too  lengthy  to  be  discussed  in  a  brief  article,  has 
been  provided  for  the  financing  of  public  improvements  and  the 
control  of  franchises. 

The  brief  time  allowed  for  the  preparation  of  the  Dayton 
charter  prevented  a  thorough  consideration  of  some  sections,  and 


i6o  SHORT    BALLOT 

a  review  by  special  autliorities.  No  doubt  it  possesses  many 
weaknesses,  a  number  of  which  have  already  become  apparent 
under  closer  scrutiny.  However,  it  does  not  assume  to  be  the 
last  word,  but  rather  the  first  word  in  government  of  this  char- 
acter. Only  years  of  experience  can  solve  many  of  the  questions 
whicli  are  daily  presenting  themselves,  and  doubtless  the  final 
law  controlling  cities  adopting  the  principles  incorporated  here 
will  have  many  essential  differences.  Yet  it  is  believed  that 
there  has  been  devised  here  a  plan  of  government,  the  principle 
of  which  will  solve  the  grave  problem  of  municipal  administra- 
tion in  America. 


•^/ 


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(Q.U89810)476— A  J- 


Generttl  Library     . 
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